The genealogy of LiveLeak

In early May 2021, the internet lost a controversial yet vital part of its history. Seemingly out of the blue, video hosting platform LiveLeak shut down. It was a staple website for gore content, especially among millennials or other early internet users, and for its information transparency and unrestricted censorship to citizen journalists, whistleblowers and hacktivists. The seemingly disparate demographic of LiveLeak is intertwined by neoliberal ideals foundational to the internet: information wants to be free, individual freedom of expression and free-market capitalism.

In the current digital climate, however, these neoliberal ideals require habituation. Numerous alt-tech platforms premised on unrestricted censorship rise and fall through the co-optation by those groups subjected by the consequences of free information and individual freedom: (right-wing) extremist, racists or conspiracists. In recent years, this form of habituating irresponsible behavior, immoralization and the disciplining of subjects is enclosed in the term digital hygiene. This euphemism for the developing field of digital biopolitics not only disciplines users, but extends to a broader context of controlling information freedom as well. LiveLeak now redirects to the new, more sanitized ItemFix.com: a website where visitors are encouraged to engage with uploaded content by remixing and re-uploading it, emphasizing participatory culture and memetics. More importantly, ItemFix has a strict content policy, something both Ogrish and LiveLeak firmly opposed. Tracing the maturity of LiveLeak from Ogrish to ItemFix creates an allegorical umbilical cord connected to the internet’s coming of age.

Childhood

During LiveLeak’s infancy as Ogrish, the website was related to the Shock blog or gore porn discourse (you might remember rotten.com or Goatse). The website hosted videos of atrocities such as executions, suicides, beheadings, rape, general mutilation. It can also be labeled as dark tourism by providing fetishized sight. Gore porn is used metaphorically to instill some form of morality in the viewer’s mind. This is reminiscent of Susan Sontag’s theories on metaphors but did not resist Ogrish and its visitors to become a market that fetishized unethical video content. The spectatorship of body horrors, as Tait calls it, was the main characteristic of the website, where context and significance seemed to be shed as excess skin on a snake.

As Orgish became a pre-teen between ’05 and ’06, Tait recognized that it wished to reposition its views on the spectatorship of body horror in a way that’d become more political. The shift of making body horrors more ethical was positively embraced, as legacy media used (edited) content from the website in news items on US invasion in Iraq (such as the beheading of Nick Berg). These changes, its newsworthiness appeal and moralization of gore content became the culmination that leads Ogrish to the high school and college stage of its life: LiveLeak.

Transgressive teen or ambitious adolescent?

While LiveLeak was the result of the domestication and moralization of gore porn, its fetishizing sight still remained under the hood. This led to a dichotomy in how the same content is perceived. CCTV footage leaked information or just straightforward captures of unethical activity: LiveLeak offered a platform for all types of content in name of redefining the media, as their tagline goes. Closing in their relationship to news, the platform and its content providers purposefully tried to establish itself as the cousin of the news who, by sifting through horrendous content, were destined to show what’s really going on. [I]mages of atrocity are understood to make a call to conscience, to enable the viewer to bear witness to scenes cleansed from mainstream media through repressive standards of taste and decency,’ as Sue Tait puts it.  

[I]mages of atrocity are understood to make a call to conscience, to enable the viewer to bear witness to scenes cleansed from mainstream media through repressive standards of taste and decency.

But because of its participatory nature and the increased interest in the platform–stemming from the moralized sight on gore content for the sake of newsworthiness– content of everyday life in non-Western countries started to form a genre, coinciding with citizen journalism. A significant amount of videos, for example, featured the working environments of Chinese construction or factory workers. The CCTV documented not only their poor and hazardous labor environments, which could be used by journalists but also recorded immanent disasters such as breaking pipelines, leaking liquid metals, explosions and so on. This narrative became so well-known on LiveLeak, it even made it into a TikTok meme. 

Gore content was domesticated and conceptualized as ethical, new usage of the platform affordances made the demographics more heterogeneous and content could be recontextualized for political or activist means. Has LiveLeak reached the phase of adolescence? It did seem more mature in the sense that it was taken more seriously and value. Yet, it still balanced on the fissure between citizen journalism and this gore-induced fetishized gaze of body horror.

Being an alternative for news, featuring graphic content and having a supply and demand relationship of such circulating content, LiveLeak is easily wedged together with fringe networks such as 4chan and 8kun–which are not seen as mature, to say the least. In reality, it was more similar to Reddit, in that the platform held a significant position in the media landscape as an underdog. Along with the tolerant moderation, this unique position enabled LiveLeak to spread both graphic and extremist content far wider than imageboards. Dutch right-wing populist Geert Wilders utilized these affordances to broadcast his anti-Islam film Fitna. During the Christchurch shootings in New Zealand, telecom company Telstra denied access to LiveLeak (stitching it together with the imageboard) as means of minimizing the spread of the manifesto of ethnonationalist and terrorist Tarrant. 

Gore, citizen journalism and hacktivism

Of course, the liberating element here is that news becomes democratized. Legacy news media’s censorship of gore content and even events that weren’t deemed newsworthy found a new platform to circulate through. Citizen journalism attempts to report the reality after the news media’s camera lens stopped rolling. They were the dirty or the explicit version of a song, where legacy news media signify the clean version without foul language. Saddam Hussein’s execution, the imagery of transgressive military activity in Iraq and Afghanistan and journalist James Foley’s beheading were all popular videos hosted and extensively viewed on LiveLeak. It also played an important role during the Arab Spring and the Syrian Civil War in 2011.

If LiveLeak had been around during the Gulf War, Baudrillard wouldn’t have claimed that it didn’t happen.

Around the same period, after anonymous users shared videos about war crimes in Iraq, British Prime Minister Tony Blair called LiveLeak a “pro-terrorist manipulating web site.” Similarly, in 2007, the former White House Press Secretary mentioned LiveLeak in his speech and underlined its “mass manipulating” characteristic. While these indicate the ‘reality’ behind global news events, street journalism was also a prime narrative. On-site reports and everyday captures hinged between journalist intent, lulz and graphic imagery. If LiveLeak had been around during the Gulf War, Baudrillard wouldn’t have claimed that it didn’t happen.

Screenshot of LiveLeak. Source: Internet Archive.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

In this case, LiveLeak is the embodiment of fringe networks disseminating information to wider audiences beyond traditional discourse. It could therefore well be named among the endeavors of WikiLeaks. After the release of Collateral Murder, Wikileaks cemented the internet as an important participant of public political debate, often crossing over and grabbing headlines in legacy media. Milan’s chapter in the book Beyond WikiLeaks elaborates further on this. Similarly, LiveLeak played an equally important role during the Arab Spring and Syrian Civil War, as it allowed the information flow to reverse, from non-Western to the West, something Çömlekçi and Güney argue is a unique potential of the platform. Citizen journalism thus also closely relates to hacktivism. Which is another way LiveLeak was utilized.

Whistleblowers used LiveLeak as an intermediary to securely share their information anonymously while also increasing their audience and reach, operating behind the smokescreen of gore and citizen journalist content.

LiveLeak is not often mentioned in the discourse of information communication. It’s privy to the logics of citizen journalism, but that does not fully entail its relevancy when it comes to the digital dissemination of information. Its aim to provide an alternative flow of information thus also attracts those who utilize this for activist reasons: whistle-blowers and free information activists. Where WikiLeaks is founded upon the ideals of these information transparency activists, LiveLeak was not but did share some similar logics. This is why Whistleblowers used LiveLeak as an intermediary to securely share their information anonymously while also increasing their audience and reach. Whistleblower networks could operate behind the smokescreen of gore and citizen journalist content. The usability of LiveLeak thus is found in the midst of this trilateral demographic. 

Both platforms contain a disruptive element to the flow and control of information. But while WikiLeaks maintained a close and contested relationship to journalism, the platform logics situated LiveLeak more in a social context. Metrics decided the popularity and thus visibility of videos, which allows for elements of memetics. Videos on animals could very well reach the home page, categorized in either ‘Must See’, ‘In The News’, or ‘Featured Items’. To overcome this dialectic between memetic videos and journalist content, features such as ‘Channels’ and ‘Current Events’ are introduced, indicating that the platform knows users come to LiveLeak for various reasons and want to adhere to both. LiveLeak is the intermediary, serving its purpose as a repository or additional source for journalism. Its relationship with journalism is similar to its relationship with whistleblowers: distant cousins who use their kinship only instrumentally.

Screenshot of LiveLeak (May 20th 2016). Source: Internet Archive

 

Whereas tax havens such as the Cayman Islands are utilized to avoid paying your monthly dues, LiveLeak functioned as an information haven where whistleblowers and citizen journalists could redirect their information through it to avoid possible tracing and thus prosecution. While YouTube is a year older, puberty hit LiveLeak earlier during their formative years. The latter can be seen as the transgressive teenager trying to provoke, either by suppressed information, shock-inducing content from places far away. 

But why didn’t LiveLeak manage to hold more political?

The activism of WikiLeaks (and the transparency movement it ushered in) is not quite prevalent in the demographic of LiveLeak. Both have made legacy news as sources for information, albeit in a disproportionate matter. But while the content might be crossposted from the former to the latter to widen the scope, LiveLeak tends to lean on the fact that it’s reporting on spectacle. It’s the (graphic) images and not the context that get the clicks. Debord prophetically saw the ocularcentrist emphasis of images as the degradation of meaning in the society of the spectacle. LiveLeak provided the millennial generation with the explicit version of the spectacles we were served by legacy news media. The unauthorized video of Saddam Hussein’s execution, one might argue, serves as a more spectacular closure to the war in Iraq than the symbolic representations: presidential speeches, troops marching with flags or Saddam Hussein’s statue being torn down. Content on LiveLeak thus operates in two parallel (and somewhat contrasting) dimensions. On the one hand, the content relates as an explicit version to the spectacular horrors, maintaining its context. Simultaneously, the content is deconstructed of meaning and recontextualized akin to the spectacular or shock value the platform is known for. It illustrates once more how the moralization of gore content is problematized.

[The] emphasis on rendering spectatorship of graphic imagery as an antidote to the hygiene of mainstream press coverage potentially has significant consequences, as it enables viewers to avoid the moralizing frameworks [news media retain]. Tait, 2008

Middle Child Syndrome

Two groups congregating on a platform to both consume and circulate information positioned LiveLeak as a middle child in some ways. On the one hand, it was the transgressive and edgy older brother to YouTube. He guided you to more obscure content your parents didn’t want you to see. That same rebellious attitude is juxtaposed by his politically conscious and hacker-savvy older sibling WikiLeaks. Too indoctrinated by his own gore fetishization during his childhood as Ogrish, LiveLeak was not able to comply with the political strides of WikiLeaks, although the two did interact. This idea of middle child syndrome can be elaborated by the fact that LiveLeak followed various internet logics. Due to its inception in a specific transitional time from web 1.0 to 2.0, the platform was grounded on logics such as sociality, sharing, transparency, hacktivism, participatory culture and so on.

On the one hand, LiveLeak was the transgressive and edgy older brother to YouTube. He guided you to more obscure content your parents didn’t want you to see. That same rebellious attitude is juxtaposed by his politically conscious and hacker-savvy older sbiling WikiLeaks, too indoctrinated by his own gore fetishization during his childhood as Ogrish.

Like Wikileaks, LiveLeak’s aspects of citizen journalism share similarities to hacktivism, but with notions of alternative countercultural and digital citizen media models which had introduced easy participatory content production (Brevini et al 4). In addition to these notions, LiveLeak contained logics of social media and memetics. Virality plays an important role which was endorsed by a like and viewing system to categorize videos, emphasizing the sociality of the platform. Metrics decided the popularity and thus visibility of videos, which allows for elements of memetics. Videos on animals could very well reach the home page, categorized in either ‘Must See’, ‘In The News’, or ‘Featured Items’. To overcome this dialectic between memetic videos and journalist content, features such as ‘Channels’ and ‘Current Events’ are introduced, indicating that the platform knows users come to LiveLeak for various reasons and want to adhere to both. 

For the dissemination of information, content was decontextualized by the platform’s hacker ethos, which holds an agnostic stance towards information. The journalist ethos requires contextualization, which WikiLeaks did actively adopted and LiveLeak attempted. Where citizen journalism might be the intention, in a McLuhan-esque way the platform appropriates the gore content for the demand present on LiveLeak, making it harder to be politically disruptive. Poe’s law learns us that without clear indication, it is impossible to read an author’s intention. The content is stripped of its context as soon as it circulates on LiveLeak. The genetic code LiveLeak adopted from Ogrish seemed to influence its ability to become more activist. The lack of collective activism (collactivism) stems from the fact that the platform serves the visitor, the viewer, the subject of the spectacle. Activism was never intently built into the design of LiveLeak. Its technological affordances, in terms of Helmond and Bucher, did allow for the whistleblower demographic to adopt the platform and use it instrumentally.

ItemFix, the disciplined adult

The growth spurt of LiveLeak spanned 15 years, eventually reaching the ceiling in early May 2021. Not because of dizzying heights in its success, but because the waves of fake news, misinformation, (rightwing) extremism, polarisation and online conspiracism made the sea levels of the digital climate rise. It requires an increase in content moderation and policies, which LiveLeak actively opposed. ItemFix tries to disband its politicization by appealing to the participatory nature of the internet. It calls itself a social video factory, where users can fix or remix videos as they see fit. The core USP of ItemFix is underscored in the first seconds of their introductory video: ‘you can create videos and gifs to share on your social media account’. This is done by using the ‘easy to use in-browser editing software.

 

While users are still encouraged to upload content, similar to LiveLeak and Ogrish, this time there are strict content policies. Accordingly, all ‘accidents’ are now sanitized and bear no visual fatalities. Social media logics on LiveLeak are extrapolated and magnified as primary features on ItemFix. Popular channels include Viral, Memes, News, Fail, WTF, Crashes and Cool. The algorithmic sorting system is split between ‘Virality’ and ‘Newest’. And lastly, upvotes, scores and views determine the content’s popularity, similar to Reddit.

Content policy on ItemFix.

 

ItemFix represents the adult phase, as it’s working as (or in) a self-proclaimed factory now. Together with its employees, it promotes an economy where memetics and virality become the dominant mode of production, consumption and distribution. It subjects its employees to the neoliberal tendency of entrepreneuralization, to gain and compete in the market for cultural capital. It should be said that the platform is still quite young, so it might be adopted to a group with other ideals.

Home page of ItemFix.

 

The participatory mechanisms, the emphasis on the individual and strict content policies are like gene replacement therapy for the gore strand which was present in its DNA. Or even activist activity for that matter. One glance at the main page or the news channel illustrates an emphasis on humor, but not in any sadistic form reflective in Ogrish. In the image below, however, you can still the demand for gore or shock content. The video with the most upvotes, views and comments is a CCTV capture of a cable car accident, killing 14 people. The characteristics of Ogrish and LiveLeak are still present in the audience of ItemFix, demanding content they know the site(s) for.

Different times, different manners

Earlier, I wrote about the emerging phenomenon of digital hygiene, a socio-technical aim to reform to control individual’s internet usage. In addition to appealing to cybersecurity, immoral content consumption is also immoralized and discouraged. The termination of LiveLeak–and the transition into ItemFix–signifies the pervasiveness of digital hygiene on a macro-level. Beyond the control of digital citizens’ information consumption through the disciplinary nature of labeling certain practices immoral, identified as the micro-level, this macro-level instance of digital hygiene illustrates that non-hegemonic platforms with less care for information or content moderation require to adapt or face consequences. Platform capitalist-endorsed digital hygiene and the accompanying rules of living apply pressure on fringe platforms that are not self-sustaining or anonymous (such as imageboards). LiveLeak is not included in the impending hygienic internet environment where there is no space for limited content moderation, graphic content and extremism.

While it might seem like a single case, the termination of LiveLeak represents something bigger than itself. Where there was hierarchical intervention during the Christchurch shootings and the Capitol Raid by ISPs, app providers and hosting services, the termination of LiveLeak can be seen as an occurrence of preemptive self-censorship. It is not enforced by other actors, but rather an internal decision by Hayden Hewitt and other owners of LiveLeak as a response to the growing pressure on platforms with lenient content moderation. It seems to be a conscious decision to turn away from the politicized debate around information freedom, content moderation and the platform’s responsibility to conform to a wider trend of compliance.

Where there was hierarchical intervention during the Christchurch shootings and the Capitol Raid by ISPs, app providers and hosting services, the termination of LiveLeak can be seen as an occurrence of preemptive self-censorship.

With no official statement around the reasoning for LiveLeak’s sudden termination, the argument for preventive self-censorship is just educated speculation. But tracing the trend of sanitizing oneself of immoral digital behavior, this also applies to LiveLeak. From the everything-goes mentality of the shock blog era Ogrish emerged from, to the relative political nature of citizen journalism and its relation to hacktivism on LiveLeak, the transition to ItemFix symbolizes the stronghold digital hygiene has– both on individuals as on platforms.

A normative argument can be extrapolated from this genealogy. It can be analogous to the changing phases of the internet, where information is once again centralized, restricted in its flow and increasingly moderated to maintain control, implicitly increasing the dominant platform’s hegemony. 

Open Letter: Belarus and the Need for a New European University for Eastern Europe

Dear colleagues,
Together with Ellen Rutten (University of Amsterdam) and colleagues from Italy and Germany I co-wrote the open letter below, signed by Olga Tokarczuk, Judith Butler, Boris Groys, Saskia Sassen, Eva Illouz, Slavoj Zizek and many others:

 

Ben Grosser: Why Instagram’s Like Hiding Saga is a PR Stunt

Instagram’s Like Hiding Saga is a PR Stunt:

What Facebook’s Darling Hopes You’ll Forget About Social Media Metrics

By Ben Grosser

In the spring of 2019 Instagram announced to the world that it was going to test the hiding of visible “like” counts within its interface. In the words of Instagram Head Adam Mosseri, he hoped it would make the platform feel “much less pressurized” and less “like a competition.” This announcement came at a time when the social media companies were enduring significant scrutiny for their roles in the amplification and virality of disinformation, the erosion of democracy and civic debate, and the destruction of individual self-esteem that was so widely evident that the New York Times wrote: “that Instagram can feel ‘pressurized’ and trigger status anxiety is hard to dispute.”

So, when Instagram made its announcement that spring, not only did it make big headlines, but many publications took it as a given that the decision had been made: likes were going away. The tests to come were merely a formality, many presumed—most without asking what those tests might be testing for, or what different outcomes might mean for the future of visible like counts.

In other words, the media was duped. Despite their stories from the time heralding Instagram’s tests as evidence of the company’s newfound concern for user well-being, it was always inevitably going to lead to either no actual change, or, at best, an anemic one. This is because Instagram is a corporation whose profit depends on continued growth, fueled by the extraction of user data and the production of ever-rising platform engagement. Visible metrics have been, for its entire history, a key component of this production—I would argue they are the central mechanism responsible for Instagram’s success.

So, it should come as no surprise when, after two years of testing, Instagram’s Head reports that their “research” turned up no particular effects from hiding likes. One can hardly help but recall in response other moments from corporate history, such as when the tobacco companies said smoking wasn’t addictive, or when the energy sector says fracking isn’t bad for the environment. Apparently, if we’re to believe Instagram, it turns out that likes just don’t matter much. Nothing to see here!

My own research strongly contradicts Instagram’s findings. I originated the concept of social media “demetrication” in 2012 when I launched the artwork Facebook Demetricator, a free and open-source browser extension that hides all quantifications across the Facebook interface. In 2014 I published a peer-reviewed article about my findings. In 2017 I launched a Demetricator for Twitter, and in 2018 one for Instagram. After a decade of activity investigating, working to erase, and listening to users report about the effects of hiding likes (and other visible counts), it is abundantly clear that social media metrics have profound effects on users. When like/follower/share/etc. counts are hidden, users report feeling, for example, less anxious, less competitive, and less addicted to the platforms. They talk about feeling less compulsive in response to them, less manipulated by metrics to continually like, share, and post. And perhaps most importantly, when visible interface metrics are hidden, users learn and feel for themselves just how significantly their actions had been driven—almost automated—by the presence of the number.

Caption: The author’s original video from 2012 demonstrating and describing Facebook Demetricator, a browser extension that hides visible metrics across the Facebook interface

So what’s really happening with “like” counts? And why might Instagram’s findings be different from my own? Setting aside (for the moment) their vested interest in the perpetuation of platform metrics and their vague assertions without evidence or peer review, I would point to the company’s anemic implementation of metric erasure.

First, Instagram’s like hiding options are laborious to use. To hide others’ metrics takes 6 taps through menus to find the toggle for it, which is buried in “Privacy” settings. Burying that option behind so many steps discourages experimentation and individual testing, leaving the default option (showing likes) as the one most will stick with.

Second, hiding one’s own like counts is not only repeatedly laborious, but incomplete. If I want to hide my like counts on my own posts, I have to tap 3 more times to turn it on every time I post. I can’t just change that setting once and have it affect all posts in the future. More importantly, even when I turn off like counts for a specific post I’ve made, the interface continues to report that metric back to me in several ways. For example, it accumulates the counts into a red and white metric popup every time I load the app—and periodically thereafter (far left in the image below). Instagram also continues to show these counts whenever I look at my notifications tab (far right). In other words, one can’t really hide their own like counts.

Image: Visible like counts on my own posts after enabling Instagram’s option to hide them. On left, the counts as shown in the standard notifications popup that appears every time I load the app and periodically thereafter. In the middle is the count shown when I click “others” from the feed. On the right are the like counts as shown in the notifications tab.

Third is that Instagram has chosen to show all metrics by default. Interface defaults are powerful. They set the conditions upon which any adjustment is evaluated. And most users won’t ever change the defaults anyway. Mosseri reveals his hopes here when he suggests that even those who hide likes might “want to switch back” “after a couple weeks.”

Fourth is that Instagram leaves all other non-like metrics in place. So even if a user hides others’ like counts and (partially) hides their own, they’re still faced with an interface full of metrics. Comment counts, view counts, follower counts, notification metrics, etc. All of these influence the user, and will serve as a ready substitute for metric evaluation when navigating the feed (e.g., it’s easy enough to focus on comment counts if like counts are hidden).

In other words, Instagram’s like hiding test: 1) made it hard to toggle like count hiding on and off, 2) made it impossible to truly hide one’s own like counts, 3) split like metrics into different categories controlled from different parts of the interface, 4) set the default as showing like counts, and 5) left in place all other interface metrics. If a social media company wanted to create a user interface test designed to conclude that hiding like counts doesn’t change much, this would be it. And lo and behold, the outcome from their findings will be continued platform growth—at the continued expense of human anxiety, compulsion, addiction, and diminished well-being.

Ironically, Mosseri confirms some of these effects with his recent statements. For example, he said (as quoted by the BBC):

‘“The spirit of this is to give people a choice,” using the example of going through a break-up in a relationship or switching schools.’

So, Instagram found no particular effect on user well-being, but Mosseri uses moments of extreme life stress as the example for why one might want to hide likes?

Another example Mosseri gave was:

“Maybe you want to be a little bit less worried about how many likes everyone’s getting for a couple weeks or a couple of months, and then maybe you want to switch back.”

So, if you want less worry, you turn off likes? Sounds as if like counts do in fact affect user well-being.

I appreciate Instagram’s decision to enable the hiding of others’ likes. This change will help users blunt the competitive feelings those metrics produce. But the anemic half-implementation of hiding one’s own likes reveals they don’t really want the idea to catch on. Instagram has spent more than a decade conditioning users to focus on the numbers. Any transition away from metrics was thus going to require substantial rethinking of what the platform is and how it works. Tests and experiments would need care and rigor; instead, Instagram came back with small clunky tweaks. A real test would make possible complete erasure of all visible metrics: no like, comment, view, or follower counts anywhere in the interface. This would be accompanied by a one-tap toggle so that users already dependent on the numbers could feel comfortable experimenting with hiding/showing the metrics at any time.

In a statement, Instagram said they consulted with experts during the testing period. Experts in what?, I would ask. Though I’ve worked on this topic for ten years—and released Instagram Demetricator a year before Mosseri started talking about their idea of hiding likes—Instagram never reached out to me for any discussion. Yet, tellingly, I did hear from the company during this period when their legal arm acted to force Instagram Demetricator off the Chrome web store in 2020. Unsurprisingly, this mirrors the actions of their parent company, Facebook, who did the same thing against Facebook Demetricator in 2016. Thankfully, the Electronic Frontier Foundation worked pro bono on my behalf to get the Facebook version reinstated. Given the company’s now repeated attempts to knock my Demetricators off the web, I haven’t worked too hard to reverse this latest move.

This whole saga is a public relations stunt. Instagram announced to the world in 2019 that they were testing the hiding of likes. They gained tremendous positive press from this move, with many lauding how much Instagram cares about user well-being. They then proceeded not to hide likes for everyone but instead to test the feature for two years—an eternity given their resources and capacity—only to come back later and proclaim that hiding likes doesn’t matter much? Not only does this assertion contradict my own research and the experience of countless users, but Instagram has a vested interest in this finding.

Visible metrics are key to the production of user engagement. Engagement is essential for user growth and profit generation. Their hiding tests were incomplete, leaving a user’s own like counts visible in multiple places. They didn’t reach out to some (all?) of us with a long research history on the topic. And along the way they acted to block users from fully hiding metrics via my projects, and even added new metrics to their interface with the addition of Reels. I find their conclusions and statements difficult to trust and would encourage others to be skeptical as well. Always remember: Instagram is a Mark Zuckerberg property. When Mosseri says something, it should be treated with the same level of trust that Zuckerberg has earned.

As a coda, one final comment on timing. Why now? After two years of testing and all the positive press, why come back now and say they’re done? I would point to the strongly negative reaction to the recently floated idea of Instagram for Kids. Many of the concerns expressed thus far have centered on fears around what a platform like Instagram, with all of its negative effects on user well-being, would do to children. What better antidote than to come out in response and say hey, it turns out our research shows that like counts don’t have much effect on anyone, so don’t worry about it! When companies release PR disguised as research, the media should hold them accountable for it.

Listening in Plain Sight: The Enduring Influence of U.S. Air Guitar

The mention of “air guitar” might conjure images of the Bill and Ted series. Or Risky Business. Or maybe even Joe Cocker at Woodstock. You might think of air guitar as an embarrassing fan gesture. So when you hear there’s an annual U.S. Air Guitar competition, you might imagine an entirely superficial practice without any artistic merit. Maybe you just think of it as gimmicky. Or a celebration of the worst aspects of classic rock fandom and the white male guitar heroes that often populate its pantheon. In all honesty, I thought all of these things at first, until I began to take the competition seriously. 

The title of this clipping from the Washington Post on November 28, 1983 reads: “Music to Their Airs!” Text appears alongside a large image of a man flying through the air with an invisible guitar in his arms.

I did not realize, for example, that air guitar competitions have an enduring history since the late 1970s, existing as an incredibly influential popular music pantomime practice that informs platforms like TikTok. I did not realize how invested contemporary competitors could be—dedicating years to learning the craft. And I did not realize how these reconstructions of guitar solos could creatively rupture the relationship between guitar virtuosity and privileged identities in popular music’s past.

The U.S. Air Guitar Championships began in 2003 as the national branch of the Air Guitar World Championships, which began in 1996 in Oulu, Finland. The competition emerged as a bit of a joke alongside the Oulu Music Video Festival. Eventually, two people—Cedric Devitt and Kriston Rucker—founded U.S. Air Guitar, which expanded across the country (thanks, in part, to the influential documentary Air Guitar Nation). Today, folks compete in order to advance from local to regional to the national competition, ultimately hoping to be crowned the best air guitarist in the nation and sent to Finland to represent the United States (think: Eurovision but air guitar). United States air guitarists do incredibly well in the international competition, although they face formidable air guitarists from Japan, France, Canada, Australia, Russia, and Germany (as well as less-formidable air guitarists from elsewhere).

In each competition, competitors perform as personas, such as Rockness Monster, AIRistotle, Agnes Young, and Mom Jeans Jeanie. They don elaborate costumes. They painstakingly practice elaborate choreographies and compete in some of the most famous musical venues in the country—from Bowery Ballroom to the Black Cat. Competitors stage routines that bring a particular 60-second rock solo to life, using their bodies to simulate playing the real guitar (what air guitarists call “there guitar”). Think of these as gestural interpretations of the affective power of guitar solos, rather than a mechanical reproduction of particular chords, frets, and licks. They use their bodies to draw out timbre, rhythm, and pitch, and they also play with the juxtaposition of their own identities and those of the original artists. Judges evaluate performances based on three criteria:

· Technical merit (does the pantomime more or less correspond to the guitar playing in the music?)

· Stage presence (is it entertaining?)

· ‘Airness’ (does the performance transcend the imitation of the real guitar to become an art form in and of itself?)

Scores are given on a figure skating scale, from 4 to 6. So a perfect score is 666 from the three judges. Winners in the first round advance to the second round, where they must improvise an air guitar routine to a surprise song selection. 

As part of my ethnographic work on air guitar, I competed in a local competition, where I was crowned third best air guitarist in Boston in the year 2017 (a distinction that will likely never appear on my CV). I have also conducted fieldwork in Finland twice and attended countless competitions in the U.S. I judged the 2019 U.S. Air Guitar Championships in Nashville alongside Edward Snowden’s lawyer, which resulted in a three-way air off to crown a winner. 

Competitions depend on recruiting new competitors, celebrity judges, and large crowds, all of which can be at odds with creating an inclusive community. Organizers have worked hard to eliminate racist, sexist, ableist, and other forms of discriminatory language from judges’ comments. Women within U.S. air guitar have formed advocacy groups. The proceeds of the most recent competitions have been donated to Alabama Appleseed Center for Law and Justice, which took up the case of a disabled Black veteran named Sean Worsley who was incarcerated for playing air guitar to music at a gas station. Both organizing bodies at the national and international level emphasize world peace as central to their mission. 

Air guitar routines are themselves political statements too. These acts of musical interpretation enable women, BIPOC, and disabled performers to author sounds credited to guitar idols, like Eddie Van Halen or Slash. Performers make arguments about their access to popular music, using only their bodies. Sydney Hutchinson’s work  examines how air guitar can challenge Asian American stereotypes and gendered conceptions of dance

My current work revolves around disabled air guitarists. Andres SevogiAIR drew me in, as a result of his expressive flamenco-inspired seated style he called “chair guitar.” He passed away but left me with an enduring appreciation for air guitar’s ability to challenge conventional virtuosity, a term that can often reproduce an ableist link between physical ability and musical virtue. I came to appreciate how air guitarists could invent imaginary instruments that serve their particular bodies. I witnessed competitors coupling chronic illness and impairments with air guitar routines, as well as competitors using air guitar to fully amplify their struggles with cancer.

I also came to appreciate how air guitarists embrace stigma (e.g., madness, craziness, and gendered forms of listening), turning taboo into a source of creativity. This led to academic writing that traces the history of madness in relation to air guitar, showing how imaginary instrument playing has often been pathologized, and yet contemporary disabled air guitarists reclaim these accusations of insanity as a source of power. 

* * *

A few weeks ago, I received a request from Lieutenant Facemelter to judge the Midwestern Online Regional U.S. Air Guitar Competition. I accepted. As with many things these days, the contemporary competition has morphed into a Twitch-hosted online spectacle, featuring combinations of live and pre-recorded elements. One woman gave birth between first- and second-round performances (made possible by a multi-day filming period for an asynchronous part of the online competition). One man’s air guitar performance evoked an exorcism in his basement. Another middle-aged competitor competed while suffering the side effects of his second shot of coronavirus vaccine, ultimately winning the competition with a pro-vaccination message. His parents appeared in the livestream when he accepted the award, and the host of the show–the Master of Airimonies–jokingly said to them: “You two must be so proud.” 

I think of U.S. Air Guitar as a stained-glass window, through which prisms of popular music history shine through. The competition can bring troubling facets of that history to light, but the competition can also revise that history (or, at least, reimagine how that history can influence the future). Either way, performers celebrate the idea that rock solos live most powerfully in the embodied listening practices of everyday people. Listening becomes the subject of these performances–the source material for these persuasive displays of music reception. Indeed, air guitar can be one of the strangest things you’ll never see. 

The competition continues this summer

Featured Image: US Air Guitar National Finals, The Midland Theater, Kansas City, MO, August 9, 2014, by Flickr user Amber, (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Byrd McDaniel | Byrd is a scholar who researches disability, digital cultures, and popular music. He currently works as a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Fox Center for Humanistic Inquiry at Emory University. His forthcoming book–Spectacular Listening— traces the rise of contemporary practices that treat listening as a performance, including air guitar, podcasts, reaction videos, and lip syncing apps. Byrd is enthusiastic about work that addresses any facet of air guitar, including global and historical approaches. He welcomes outreach from those who want to research these topics.

tape-reel

REWIND! . . .If you liked this post, you may also dig:

SO! Reads: Steph Ceraso’s Sounding Composition: Multimodal Pedagogies for Embodied Listening–Airek Beauchamp

Digital Analogies: Techniques of Sonic Play–Roger Moseley

Experiments in Aural Resistance: Nordic Role-Playing, Community, and SoundAaron Trammell

Listening in Plain Sight: The Enduring Influence of U.S. Air Guitar

The mention of “air guitar” might conjure images of the Bill and Ted series. Or Risky Business. Or maybe even Joe Cocker at Woodstock. You might think of air guitar as an embarrassing fan gesture. So when you hear there’s an annual U.S. Air Guitar competition, you might imagine an entirely superficial practice without any artistic merit. Maybe you just think of it as gimmicky. Or a celebration of the worst aspects of classic rock fandom and the white male guitar heroes that often populate its pantheon. In all honesty, I thought all of these things at first, until I began to take the competition seriously. 

The title of this clipping from the Washington Post on November 28, 1983 reads: “Music to Their Airs!” Text appears alongside a large image of a man flying through the air with an invisible guitar in his arms.

I did not realize, for example, that air guitar competitions have an enduring history since the late 1970s, existing as an incredibly influential popular music pantomime practice that informs platforms like TikTok. I did not realize how invested contemporary competitors could be—dedicating years to learning the craft. And I did not realize how these reconstructions of guitar solos could creatively rupture the relationship between guitar virtuosity and privileged identities in popular music’s past.

The U.S. Air Guitar Championships began in 2003 as the national branch of the Air Guitar World Championships, which began in 1996 in Oulu, Finland. The competition emerged as a bit of a joke alongside the Oulu Music Video Festival. Eventually, two people—Cedric Devitt and Kriston Rucker—founded U.S. Air Guitar, which expanded across the country (thanks, in part, to the influential documentary Air Guitar Nation). Today, folks compete in order to advance from local to regional to the national competition, ultimately hoping to be crowned the best air guitarist in the nation and sent to Finland to represent the United States (think: Eurovision but air guitar). United States air guitarists do incredibly well in the international competition, although they face formidable air guitarists from Japan, France, Canada, Australia, Russia, and Germany (as well as less-formidable air guitarists from elsewhere).

In each competition, competitors perform as personas, such as Rockness Monster, AIRistotle, Agnes Young, and Mom Jeans Jeanie. They don elaborate costumes. They painstakingly practice elaborate choreographies and compete in some of the most famous musical venues in the country—from Bowery Ballroom to the Black Cat. Competitors stage routines that bring a particular 60-second rock solo to life, using their bodies to simulate playing the real guitar (what air guitarists call “there guitar”). Think of these as gestural interpretations of the affective power of guitar solos, rather than a mechanical reproduction of particular chords, frets, and licks. They use their bodies to draw out timbre, rhythm, and pitch, and they also play with the juxtaposition of their own identities and those of the original artists. Judges evaluate performances based on three criteria:

· Technical merit (does the pantomime more or less correspond to the guitar playing in the music?)

· Stage presence (is it entertaining?)

· ‘Airness’ (does the performance transcend the imitation of the real guitar to become an art form in and of itself?)

Scores are given on a figure skating scale, from 4 to 6. So a perfect score is 666 from the three judges. Winners in the first round advance to the second round, where they must improvise an air guitar routine to a surprise song selection. 

As part of my ethnographic work on air guitar, I competed in a local competition, where I was crowned third best air guitarist in Boston in the year 2017 (a distinction that will likely never appear on my CV). I have also conducted fieldwork in Finland twice and attended countless competitions in the U.S. I judged the 2019 U.S. Air Guitar Championships in Nashville alongside Edward Snowden’s lawyer, which resulted in a three-way air off to crown a winner. 

Competitions depend on recruiting new competitors, celebrity judges, and large crowds, all of which can be at odds with creating an inclusive community. Organizers have worked hard to eliminate racist, sexist, ableist, and other forms of discriminatory language from judges’ comments. Women within U.S. air guitar have formed advocacy groups. The proceeds of the most recent competitions have been donated to Alabama Appleseed Center for Law and Justice, which took up the case of a disabled Black veteran named Sean Worsley who was incarcerated for playing air guitar to music at a gas station. Both organizing bodies at the national and international level emphasize world peace as central to their mission. 

Air guitar routines are themselves political statements too. These acts of musical interpretation enable women, BIPOC, and disabled performers to author sounds credited to guitar idols, like Eddie Van Halen or Slash. Performers make arguments about their access to popular music, using only their bodies. Sydney Hutchinson’s work  examines how air guitar can challenge Asian American stereotypes and gendered conceptions of dance

My current work revolves around disabled air guitarists. Andres SevogiAIR drew me in, as a result of his expressive flamenco-inspired seated style he called “chair guitar.” He passed away but left me with an enduring appreciation for air guitar’s ability to challenge conventional virtuosity, a term that can often reproduce an ableist link between physical ability and musical virtue. I came to appreciate how air guitarists could invent imaginary instruments that serve their particular bodies. I witnessed competitors coupling chronic illness and impairments with air guitar routines, as well as competitors using air guitar to fully amplify their struggles with cancer.

I also came to appreciate how air guitarists embrace stigma (e.g., madness, craziness, and gendered forms of listening), turning taboo into a source of creativity. This led to academic writing that traces the history of madness in relation to air guitar, showing how imaginary instrument playing has often been pathologized, and yet contemporary disabled air guitarists reclaim these accusations of insanity as a source of power. 

* * *

A few weeks ago, I received a request from Lieutenant Facemelter to judge the Midwestern Online Regional U.S. Air Guitar Competition. I accepted. As with many things these days, the contemporary competition has morphed into a Twitch-hosted online spectacle, featuring combinations of live and pre-recorded elements. One woman gave birth between first- and second-round performances (made possible by a multi-day filming period for an asynchronous part of the online competition). One man’s air guitar performance evoked an exorcism in his basement. Another middle-aged competitor competed while suffering the side effects of his second shot of coronavirus vaccine, ultimately winning the competition with a pro-vaccination message. His parents appeared in the livestream when he accepted the award, and the host of the show–the Master of Airimonies–jokingly said to them: “You two must be so proud.” 

I think of U.S. Air Guitar as a stained-glass window, through which prisms of popular music history shine through. The competition can bring troubling facets of that history to light, but the competition can also revise that history (or, at least, reimagine how that history can influence the future). Either way, performers celebrate the idea that rock solos live most powerfully in the embodied listening practices of everyday people. Listening becomes the subject of these performances–the source material for these persuasive displays of music reception. Indeed, air guitar can be one of the strangest things you’ll never see. 

The competition continues this summer

Featured Image: US Air Guitar National Finals, The Midland Theater, Kansas City, MO, August 9, 2014, by Flickr user Amber, (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Byrd McDaniel | Byrd is a scholar who researches disability, digital cultures, and popular music. He currently works as a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Fox Center for Humanistic Inquiry at Emory University. His forthcoming book–Spectacular Listening— traces the rise of contemporary practices that treat listening as a performance, including air guitar, podcasts, reaction videos, and lip syncing apps. Byrd is enthusiastic about work that addresses any facet of air guitar, including global and historical approaches. He welcomes outreach from those who want to research these topics.

tape-reel

REWIND! . . .If you liked this post, you may also dig:

SO! Reads: Steph Ceraso’s Sounding Composition: Multimodal Pedagogies for Embodied Listening–Airek Beauchamp

Digital Analogies: Techniques of Sonic Play–Roger Moseley

Experiments in Aural Resistance: Nordic Role-Playing, Community, and SoundAaron Trammell

The Digitarian Society @ Tetem met Geert Lovink en Chloë Arkenbout

In de driedelige serie The Digitarian Society onderzoekt Tetem samen met mediakunstenaar Roos Groothuizen en gasten van het Institute of Network Cultures, Waag en PublicSpaces wat er nodig is om verder te komen in onze zoektocht naar een veiliger internet.

De bewustwording over internet dilemma’s in relatie tot online verslaving, privacy en verantwoordelijkheid groeit; niet alleen onder organisaties, in de media en bij de overheid, maar ook onder het ‘grote publiek’. We hebben allemaal wel eens gedacht om alternatieve apps, videoplatforms en social media te verkennen, maar we doen het niet massaal. Wat houdt ons tegen?

Deze serie events gaat verder in op de dilemma’s van de escape room tentoonstelling ‘I want to delete it all, but not now’ die Roos Groothuizen voor Tetem heeft ontwikkeld. Daarin komt de vraag naar voren wat ons tegenhoudt om te stoppen met diensten van bijvoorbeeld Facebook en Google. Hoe worden we een digitariër, iemand die geen producten of diensten gebruikt van bedrijven die hun geld verdienen met het verkopen van persoonlijke data? Of is het mogelijk die moeilijke stap te verzachten door een flexidigitariër te worden, waar je zoveel mogelijke bewuste keuzes probeert te maken, maar nog geen afscheid wilt of kunt nemen van bijvoorbeeld Whatsapp? Het idee is dat we met kleine stappen onszelf en andere mensen en organisaties aansporen om bewuster te worden ten aanzien van de apps die we gebruiken en samen de stap naar een veiliger internet zetten. De drie events vinden plaats op verschillende platforms waarmee we als flexidigitariërs gaan experimenteren.

The Digitarian Society #1
Dinsdag 25 mei waren Geert Lovink en Chloë Arkenbout te gast bij Tatem.

De titel van de tentoonstelling ‘I want to delete it all, but now now’ van Roos Groothuizen komt uit het boek ‘Sad by Design’ door Geert Lovink. Het boek biedt een kritische analyse van de groeiende controverses op sociale media zoals nepnieuws, giftige virale memes en online verslaving. Tegelijkertijd roept Geert Lovink op tot het omhelzen van de digitale intimiteit van sociale media, berichtenverkeer en selfies, in de hoop dat verveling de eerste fase is van het overwinnen van ‘platformnihilisme’. Om daarna de afbraak van – verslaving aan – sociale media in te zetten.

Tijdens The Digitarian Society #1 ontdekten we wie de mensen achter het Institute of Network Cultures zijn en wat er bij hen persoonlijk is veranderd na het publiceren van het boek ‘Sad by Design’. Roos ging met Geert Lovink in gesprek over de schaduwzijde van online platforms, menselijke verlangens die ons tegenhouden en hoe je als individu de theorie in praktijk kunt brengen. In een gesprek met Chloë Arkenbout werd er  ingezoomd op Chloë’s onderzoek naar de macht van memes, media ethiek, morele verantwoordelijkheid, (digitaal) activisme, call out culture en de manieren waarop zij als nieuwe generatie onderzoekers met social media omgaat. Ook werd er Doen, durven of je data gespeeld.

Kijk hier The Digitarian Society #1 terug

The Digitarian Society #1 from Tetem on Vimeo.

Will gaming become tomorrow’s music stage?

The pandemic is causing labels to hold out with album rollouts for the time concerts are allowed again. This streamlining of revenue models is quite common but doesn’t sit well with fans. But if there’s one thing this pandemic has shown, is the culture industry’s ability to innovate. Other ways of streamlining business models are conjured. Musicians find shelter in digital live streams and gaming environments. Travis Scott and Marshmallow both did a virtual performance during a live event in Fortnite, while Zara Larsson and Lil Nas X did a similar performance in the game Roblox.

 

The digitization of live music performance hints at the consolidation of the two industries that have a 40-year standing history together. While this convergence isn’t even in its infancy, the emerging industry asks for new standards, technicities and protocols. The development and various instances of virtual performance accelerated during the pandemic. The aforementioned examples are the most pronounced ones, where the artists perform songs as a virtual version of themselves. They’re digitized, allowing for majestic and surreal experiences. Travis Scott performances is a 10-minute show where the user journeys through exhilarating environments. These cases illustrate the power behind the two collaborating capitalist culture industries where big budgets are available. But other cases come in various formats:

Established gaming brands and artists coming together during the pandemic is a classic case of how markets emerge through supply and demand: record labels and artists look for environments where they can play their music and sell their merch, while MMO games want to solidify their brand name to their audience. Through this lens, the congregation between gaming and music doesn’t seem all that innovative, but more out of economic interest. Lil Nas X’s Roblox performance was attended 33 million times, while 12.3 million and 10.7 players participated in the performances by Travis Scott and Marshmello respectively. Regardless, there are quite some subversive possibilities that arise and can take both industries and the newly emerging culture an octave higher. 

Changes in games

While a philosophical argument can be formed around the blurring borders between reality and the virtual, the more interesting, perhaps most tangible differences beyond business changes are found in the socio-cultural. 

In his Rekto Verso article, Roel Vergauwen sums various reasons why digital concerts will coexist next to live concerts: Increased reach and engagements between artists and fans, digital sales market for products such as vinyl, CDs and merch. Additionally, new forms of merch such as cosmetic skins and NFTs become available through this new infrastructure. 

In other cases the artist becomes the merchandise. Rockstar’s GTA Online included the aforementioned 3 DJs into its world whom players have to solve a quest for to hear them play in a nightclub in Los Santos. A clear case of affiliate marketing, which is more of a cultural nod to Moodymann, Palms Trax and Keinemusik than it is a simulation of a music event. This affiliate marketing can take on really dull forms, as this collaboration between Rockstar and music platform Beatport illustrates (killer set, though). 

New networked publics

The new emerging virtual concert stages in-game environments thus also are non-geographically bound public spaces. Whereas visitors of a concert are tied through their mutual musical interest, these new publics are by default also networked through their shared interest in a specific game. Games serve as a new medium that provides the platform both for artists and fans as networked publics. 

Sociality

Musical meaning emerges from its relationship to other forms of media. While music has always been both a solo and multiplayer experience– think walkmans, vinyl, practicing or listening parties, background music during social events, concerts and so on– digital technologies have heightened its sociality. Spotify UI and UX for example socialize musical experience through features that harmoniously stack like extended chords: sharing, public playlists or friend activity (desktop). So too does the application of the gaming UI and UX socialise the music experience further. 

Take Travis Scott’s performance for instance, where sociality comes in multiple ways. Firstly, the individual or the player embodied in the avatar draped in their cosmetic skins attended the virtual event, experiencing the concert in the gaming environment. Additionally, affordances such as dancing increase immersiveness and the simulation of real-life concerts. Emulating mosh pits, people together in video or voice chats sharing their shared experience. Moreover, you can interact with the environment and see what other players are doing.

Secondly, sociality is prevalent when I watch the video on YouTube and see that players are part of the recording of the virtual performance. This is underlined by various remarks from people who attended the event in the video’s comment section. Both in the official videos and in streamer reaction videos, players who attended the performance happily leave comments explaining their experience. 

Socialisation will play an important role not only during the adoption phase, but also in terms of business. Sociality, as we know, is highly potent in its commodification.

Sterility 

Looking at this from a different key, virtual performances in their current form underline the perfectionism stimulated by social media. Songs are performed without curse words, perfectly pitched, compressed and mixed, while also being aligned with the visual effects which make for fantasy-like experiences (shapeshifting, teleporting,  giant-sized, gravity-defying). To put it in another phrasing, music is subject to the polishing of the virtual. 

Similar to the now ubiquitous Spotify track, where a dominant medium shapes the aesthetic, so too could the conjoining of gaming as a medium and music cause a shift. While visuals are always part of a live performance, in a gaming environment this is buffed up to a more surreal and immersive level to maintain the attention span of gamers. Consider the Marshmello concert below, where his virtual version provides a hit after hit, drop after drop DJ set.

 In a virtual and online setting, a concert is less about music and more about the experience. You can see this as the next step from people recording performances on their phone while at a live concert. In particular the Fornite performances by Travis Scott and Marshmello were all tunes familiar to the audience– as they were chart-topping hits. This plays an important factor because the music requires less attention, which can be allocated to the overall virtual audio-visual experience, as indicated in this reaction video. 

 What about the independents?

Alongside the top-down examples above in which big companies and artists (read: record labels) are creating these majestic experiences, there are also bottom-up ventures emerging. Blockchain-based VR world Decentraland has seen a slew of concerts by independent music artists in the past couple of months, ranging from bands to DJs. Atari already partnered with Decentraland and set up a casino in the environment, where–similar to Marshmello– DJ Dillon Francis performed a set as well. 

New protocols, standards and technology

The converging characteristic of digital technologies will result in a symbiosis where gaming and the music business become increasingly intertwined. Looking ahead, we would see an industry where companies are working simultaneously on both gaming and music. Professions from both fields would have to converge as well. You can already see this in the University of Arts (HKU) in Utrecht for example. It has overarching courses for Music & Technology and Games & Interaction, within the former’s curriculum there is a bachelor’s in Music Design for Games & Interaction. This surely will foster a future industry without boundaries between music and gaming. 

 

Cyberia: Exploring infrastructures of Bangalore’s Cybercafés

Cyberia is a poetic provocation in the form of a photographic series that explores infrastructures of Cybercafés in Bangalore. What does it mean to use these overlooked spaces today—as a worker, a client, or simply an artist? These sites composed of passages, objects, and stories—reveal a sense of connection, privacy, self-expression, surveillance, and manipulation. Against this backdrop, the work migrates across different supports, shaping and affecting people, landscapes, politics, and social networks.

As an artist based in Bangalore, I am interested in looking at the ramification and behind the scene of the power of tech-enabled innovation from a localized perspective. How has the internet changed the way we encounter various conditions? A domestic space as well as a technological screen, allows structural ironies of the world to be projected, and imagination-driven suggestions to be pondered upon in contemporary times.

Furthermore, my photographs respond to these questions: what is so culturally particular about these structures in Bangalore? How are these spaces a reflection of the social urban fabric? And what is the future of these frameworks especially in the age of new technologies, open-source software, and cyber-security? The images evoke artistic and conceptual associations to forgotten histories, occupations, circulations, and localities, documenting and capturing the inherently curious nature of these sites as well as the uncanny ability of Cybercafés – that transform and activate in a variety of models. Conceived as a portal to disrupt prevailing patterns—aspirations, truth and fiction, society—and their limitations.


This project is part of the 25 x 25 Initiative by India Foundation for the Arts, supported by lead donor Kshirsagar-Apte Foundation, and philanthropy partners Titan Company Limited, Priya Paul, and Sethu Vaidyanathan.

About the artist: Born in Bangalore, India, Shruti Chamaria graduated from the Royal College of Art (London) in 2017, after working as a graphic designer for cultural institutions and creative individuals across Europe and Asia such as Studio Thomas Buxo (Amsterdam) and Art Asia Pacific (Hong Kong). Her personal practice deals with hyperreality of spaces, objects, and memories, and her work in this regard has been shown at Rotterdam Photo Festival (Rotterdam), Offprint – Tate Modern (London), Athens Photo Festival (Athens), J Book Show – Cork Photo Festival (Cork) and India Foundation for the Arts (Bangalore). Her publication How to Sit for the Camera is also distributed by A6 Books, a subsidiary project of the London Centre for Book Arts (London), as well as MoMA PS1 (New York) and Printed Matter (New York).

A conversation between Anab Jain and Marta Peirano, as recorded and retold in a small colony of ants

Written by: Gabriele Ferri and Inte Gloerich


Ant 1: [Wiggles antennae, wiggles antennae, wiggles antennae.] I bring an interesting message to pass along.

Ant 2: [Wiggles, wiggles.] I’m listening.

Ant 1: This is something that I’m passing along on behalf of my other sisters in the colony, who received it from another anthill, which received it from another anthill, and so on until we can’t count that anymore.

Ant 2: [Opens jaws. Closes jaws.] I’m listening.

Ant 1: My sisters have been using internet quite a lot. It’s not difficult after you get the hang of it. A few sunsets ago, they listened to a human conversation. It’s complicated to understand, they just can’t wiggle their antennae, but we don’t want to judge their communication system. It’s not necessarily worse than ours, it’s just different.

Ant 3: What is the message? [Wiggles antennae.]

Ant 1: Some humans are showing some encouraging signs of a more mature rapport with our environment. This is a thought that come for our queen ant. We have listened to Anab Jain and Marta Peirano discuss at an event called “(re)programming – Strategies for Self-Renewal”. If you find an internet cable, you can watch the recording at this URL, write it down:  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k40Rddp7OE0

Ant 2: [Scratches jaws.] Who is Anab Jain?

Ant 1: Anab Jain co-founded Superflux, which is a studio that “creates worlds, stories, and tools that provoke and inspire” the humans “to engage with the precarity of our rapidly changing world.” [Wiggles antennae.] You should remember about the other ant colony that lived in that small apartment full of things that grow food like we do in our tunnels. That’s something that Anab and her partner Jon Ardern call “Mitigation of Shock,” and if you wait your turn to use our antennae-to-internet connection you can look it up here: https://superflux.in/index.php/work/mitigation-of-shock/.

Ant 4: Humans are not smart at all. [Shrugs antennae, wiggles butt.] It is a well-known fact that they can’t interpret future scenarios. Our reality could be their future!

Ant 1: [Shakes jaws, shakes antennae.] Anab and Superflux seem to prove differently, if you care to pay attention to these strange humans. They say that what they do is not predicting a future that will necessarily take place, and it is not about making accurate predictions. Instead, they emphasize storytelling and the creation of imaginaries that provoke reflection on what could happen.

Ant 4: Just like we do when we raise an alarm throughout the ant colony.

Ant 1: [Wiggles antennae.] Yes, something like that. Anab says that they search for ethnographic and anthropological insights. They listen for what they call “weak signals,” which are meaningful elements that they capture throughout human discourses, and that may hint to future possibilities. Then, they produce diagrams, quadrants, and other schemas that highlight interconnections and interdependencies. When they find something that captures a provocative possibility, they flesh it out. It is a matter of putting different weak signals in relation to one another and exploring/expanding that constellation of elements. Anab and Superflux are interested in examining the fringes and experimenting with when and how they enter mainstream mundane life. For them, envisioning a future is never a matter of abstract thinking, but mostly of translating a set of interdependencies in an experience.

Ant 2: [Scratches head. Wiggles antennae.]

Ant 1: [Wiggles head.] Marta asked how Superflux avoids the pitfall of imagining future scenarios that are very different to what we are experiencing now.

Ant 4: [Closes jaws.] She’s right! Humans should look closer at what is happening around them.

Ant 1: Anab thinks that there’s no future without history, and so it stands to reason to look back in order to look ahead. Of course, it’s fundamental to avoid falling into determinism. This could be achieved by considering multiple levels of critical sense-making – which are the diagrams and interdependencies that she mentioned before – and by reflecting on the biases and preconceptions that the analyst inevitably brings to the table.

Ant 4: [Wiggles butt.] Of course, humans have a tendency to visualize the past and the future as a sequence of events carried out by well-defined actors, often anthropomorphic.

Ant 2: Ah! Anthropomorphic! Why not ant-ropomorphic for a change?? [Wiggles butt vigorously.]

Ant 1: Anab thinks that humans must embrace complexity and be critical of reductive visions of the future based on the ‘archetypical single hero.’ (Also, our mother queen ant agrees with Anab.) This is what Superflux experimented with in Mitigation of Shock, which is less a tale of survival and more a reflection on the interconnecting social, cultural, and ecological forces that shape humans’ future. Instead of those awful shiny materials that don’t welcome critters like us, when Anab looks ahead, she sees systems that build bridges between multiple species and are useful for more than just humans.

Ant 4: [Wiggles antennae, wiggles antennae.] This reminds me of what happens in a forest, where the connections between mushrooms and plants shape the whole ecosystem with very complex feedback loops, where we ants play a fundamental role.

Ant 1: [Wiggles antennae enthusiastically.] Indeed! [Wiggles antennae.] We should all – ants and humans – imagine an ecological cooperation between different multispecies actors. If we could imagine a cooperative network of different entities, we would be able to have a much larger positive impact on the world. It’s never a matter of one project, one species, one hero, but a convergence/emergence of many factors that lead to an outcome.

Ant 3: [Wiggles antennae.] Excuse me! [Wiggles antennae.] I want to discuss this in the next colony study group. Who’s with me?

Ant 1: Me! I already picked up some books that Anab referred to so we can study them together. I will put them in the communal library later. I found a book about our friends the mushrooms and how they can thrive in the ruins that humans create around the world: Anna Tsing – The Mushroom at the End of the World. Perhaps we can find out how to learn from the mushrooms. It seems like humans like to write about what happens at the end of the world, because I also took this book by Timothy Morton with me, it’s called Hyperobjects: Philosophy and Ecology after the End of the World and it is about how there are things in the world that are so big that it is hard to see them, like climate change. And the other book I found is really nice because it refers to all kinds of beings and machines as critters, not just ants and other normal-sized animals like us. Everyone is a critter, and everyone can become kin! We are all together in this! It’s written by Donna Haraway and called Staying with the Trouble.

Ant 5: [Wiggles antennae, wiggles butt.] This is all fine and dandy, but I’m curious to know what Anab and Superflux are working on these days.

Ant 1: [Opens and closes jaws.] You’re right, I was a bit curious after hearing about them. I had to queue for a while to find an empty spot in our antennae-to-internet connection, but I was finally able to find this link: https://superflux.in/index.php/work/refuge-for-resurgence/. Superflux will be presenting a new work, titled Refuge for Resurgence, at the Venice Architecture Biennale. It is a large, beautiful oak table around which all life-forms – including ants, and also humans – can gather as equals to dine together.

Ant 4: [Wiggles antennae.] Seems appropriate. As humans go, these ones seem smart enough.

Ant 6: Make way! Make way! We found an edible seed!

Everybody rushes to help, as more-than-human philosophical conversations temporarily leave space to foraging and caring for the anthill.


The (re)programming: Interdependence event was organized by Aksioma and can be watched here.

 

Political Art As Critical Theory In Armand Hammer’s Haram

‘It’s difficult to write about somebody who is a better writer than you,’ billy woods elucidates. Together with fellow rapper ELUCID, they make up the New York duo Armand Hammer, whose recently released album Haram dotted with lyrical references to literature, Critical Theory, shrewd social and political commentary. As a digital humanities grad student and music enthusiast, I rejoiced to see these worlds colliding in an artistic endeavor composed so aesthetically, executed with such skillful ingenuity and dense in its subject matter. But how can I write something about someone who’s a better writer than I am? Well, by not aiming to do an album review but instead trying to stitch together what makes this album important to introduce to an audience beyond the (abstract) hip hop demographics: the INC reader. We can look beyond our own discourse and find similarities in the avant-garde assemblage that is Haram, where critical writing is mediated through a different format: music and lyricism.

Armand Hammer is regarded as underground, abstract, or experimental. This genre is often signified by the musical choice or abstract lyrics. In Haram’s case, however, it’s the entire aesthetic beyond the music and lyrics is abstract, the complete presentation is an experimental experience. I’d say it is submerged in an avant-garde aesthetic even. I’m not using that word lightly here. In various ways, it’s unconventional and unorthodox. Lending the term from Islamic vernacular, Haram refers to impurity, forbidden, or to those not initiated into sacred knowledge. Together with the provoking and symbolic cover of two severed pig heads, one should feel warned about the content. Not to scare of without trigger warnings, but to approach this art piece with caution as it presents radical ideas.

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Cover art for Haram.

These radical ideas are not only found in lyrics but also in the way the immaculate producer The Alchemist sampled, created, and arranged the music. There is a keen coherence between the rappers’ lyrics, cadence, and applied delays, echoes, or stutters on the vocals by The Alchemist, his beats, the song titles, and the audio snippets from boxing matches, David Lynch, Barry White, Little Richard, 60s movies and conversations on hysteria with references to Freud’s professor and neurology pioneer Charcot scattered across this album. Collectively, this amounts to a layered narrative, consciously assembled piece by piece in order to provoke the listener with thought-provoking or radical ideas. So even before addressing the lyrics, the conformity or coherence of the experimental aesthetic that is Haram already hints at the unapologetic insights to be found in the lyrics.

You need permission to have an issue with me
I’m not privy to the stories you live inside
A home of alt history, I just bend the rhyme
No mystery, God, deepest look inside
Thick fog on the channel, rando pseudo Rambo, bad camo
Armed to a T as in tango
Letha Brainz Blo, baldhead in Kangol
(ELUCID on Sir Benni Miles)

Thought-provoking music–especially in rap, of course– is nothing new. Rap is viewed as a channel of free speech that connects listeners to social and political issues explained by the artist in poetic fashion. It also creates solidarity among those with similar subcultural capital, that is those in the know: music was used during times of slavery to communicate experiences beyond the understanding of the colonizers. You can look at the godfather of rap Gil-Scott Heron for a 20th-century example of this. Situated in a jazz-funk and soul, his spoken-word performances utilized social commentary, satire, and literary influence from Harlem Renaissance writers to conjure his art pieces. Songs like ‘Whitey on the Moon’, ‘Winter in America‘ or ‘The Revolution will not be Televised’ provided insight into the zeitgeist of the 70s black American. Weaving together street poetry and songwriting in order to reflect then-contemporary conditions, Heron inspired rappers to take on a similar approach in order to encapsulate their time and space.

You can view Armand Hammer as an extension of Heron. Where class struggle in Marxist terms has always been tied to hip-hop, Armand Hammer, like Heron, expands and argues not only against class struggle but its cultural formation as a system as well, reminiscent of Western Marxist critical theory. “It’s not [only] fuck the police, but more fuck the police state,” professor Skye argues (see video below). The cut Chicharonnes illustrates this as a verbose prose pulling in various pop-cultural and literary references to pigs. The holistic aesthetic returns as the track refers to the double killing of the pigs in the cover: the police state oppressing black Americans and the cop in your thoughts. Critical Theory around identity is present as woods questions the double consciousness of his demographic. As a form of auto-ethnography, they mention what outcomes systems of oppressions have on them. These systems of oppression take form as neoliberalism, Marxist class struggle, or police states. Humor or cynicism also plays an important role here. Kafka-esque surreal humor is surrounded by grudge which, based on the entire aesthetic of Haram, shouldn’t come as a surprise to be a theme. 

Got caught with the pork
But you gotta kill the cop in your thoughts
Still sayin’ “Pause”
Negroes say they hate the cops
But the minute somethin’ off, they wanna use force
I just work here, I’m not the boss (I’m not the boss)
I never bought in, so when it go left, it’s no loss (No loss)
When they look back in history, make sure I’m absolved (Make sure)
Don’t try to rewrite the past, it’s oral history where I’m involved
(billy woods on Chicharonnes)

The scholarly inclination mainly comes from billy woods, whose father was a Zimbabwean Marxist politician, while his mother was an English literary scholar. woods’ entire discography confesses his interest in creative and critical writing (which I’ll leave up to you to discover). Flowery verses are filled with figurative phrases you’ll comprehend only after a few listens. I get the same from reading theory. Try to read a thousand plateaus just once and tell me what it’s about. You can’t (partly because of French theorists are masters in masking the intention of their work behind layers of complex sentences–which get lost in translation even further. Speaking of which… 

A thousand plateaus, a constellation of prisons
An ocean of archipelagos, an algorithm
Apply pressure to achieve desired results
Voices in the ventilation float different
Foucault call collect, sound like long distance
(billy woods on Wishing Bad)

Here, the system of oppression is the ubiquity of platform capitalism, which applies pressure to achieve desired results, whether that be motivated by capital or by increasing control through surveillance. Black boxed algorithms of platforms create an economy in which users perform immaterial labor through digital practices. woods juxtaposes arguably juxtaposes this with life in the gulag, as he uses the word archipelago to pull in a reference to The Gulag Archipelago by Russian writer Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Foucault can’t be omitted when we talk about systems of discipline and control. woods jumps from the Deleuze and Guattari reference to a parallel he sees in the Foucauldian panopticon (the constellation of prisons) before modernizing the idea that algorithms not only isolate but create self-government in subjects or users of digital platforms. As mentioned in the opening paragraph, it’s difficult to write about somebody who is a better writer than I am. So surely this small deconstruction is probably just half of it, but just well illustrates the density of Haram. (If somebody wants to help me out decipher the last line, that’d be great.)

This subject matter and craft go far beyond the status quo within hip-hop discourse. It can be read and deconstructed as a literary essay. The radical ideas that make it avant-garde are presented in an equally avant-garde manner and thus require a certain literary proficiency. This is exactly what makes the abstract vision of Armand Hammer underground. While the collaboration with the critically acclaimed Alchemist– who dives into the most experimental bag he’s ever touched on this album–does well for Armand Hammer’s reach beyond the underbelly, the rappers’ philosophy just does not stroke with ‘what’s hot’. What’s hot sells, not only numbers but ideology as well. I don’t think Billboard is all that relevant anymore but for the sake of this argument, have a look at the charts: flaunting consumerist and capitalist desire, self-medication through drug use, and the contemporary discourse on love and sex (the latter two also underscore the former two). In order words, popular rap is neoliberal ideology remediated through music, whereas Haram remediates critical thought as a literary narrative through music. This is not my inner old-head speaking, but rather looking at rap as an art form 😅.

One could spend the length of a thesis on a lyrical analysis of billy woods’ art. But using music as a medium, Armand Hammer not only makes political thought on a scholarly level more accessible, it is also presented through the aesthetic lens. The almost redundant aphorism by McLuhan still rings true here: the medium is the message, as it’s far more equipped to deliver the actual message and make an impact than scholarly articles could.

In addition, Armand Hammer goes beyond Hip-hop’s characteristic trait of social commentary. Where Kendrick Lamar’s album To Pimp a Butterfly (TBAP)–in my humble opinion the best album of this century– did have a broad cultural impact through its timely release during civil unrest and its widespread success, Armand Hammer is a little less digestible by means of its density. You could see TPAB as an investigative research journalist while Haram (and essentially all Armand Hammer’s albums) mirror a Critical Theory essay on a similar topic. It’s less focused on timely relevance and more on proposing radical thought through free-flowing association.

Similar to Gil-Scott Heron’s encapsulation of the 70s zeitgeist, Armand Hammer captures the black experience in contemporary neoliberalism. While auto-ethnography presents off-kilter anecdotes or haunting punchlines– starting your album with ‘Dreams are dangerous’ is a certain example. There is no call for reform. However, billy and ELUCID aim to disclose what they discover through their oblique experiences with contemporary society. The critical artform reads like a literary prose, which– in my opinion– is an example of why we can and maybe even need to look beyond our isolated field to situate and trace theory in the wild itself.