“Hey Google, Talk Like Issa”: Black Voiced Digital Assistants and the Reshaping of Racial Labor

.

In summer 2021, sound artist, engineer, musician, and educator Johann Diedrick convened a panel at the intersection of racial bias, listening, and AI technology at Pioneerworks in Brooklyn, NY. Diedrick, 2021 Mozilla Creative Media award recipient and creator of such works as Dark Matters, is currently working on identifying the origins of racial bias in voice interface systems. Dark Matters, according to Squeaky Wheel, “exposes the absence of Black speech in the datasets used to train voice interface systems in consumer artificial intelligence products such as Alexa and Siri. Utilizing 3D modeling, sound, and storytelling, the project challenges our communities to grapple with racism and inequity through speech and the spoken word, and how AI systems underserve Black communities.” And now, he’s working with SO! as guest editor for this series (along with ed-in-chief JS!). It kicked off with Amina Abbas-Nazari’s post, helping us to understand how Speech AI systems operate from a very limiting set of assumptions about the human voice. Today Golden Owens explored what happens when companies sell Black voices along with their Intelligent Virtual Assistants. Tune in for a deep historical dive into the racialized sound of servitude in America. Even though corporations aren’t trying to hear this absolutely critical information–or Black users in general–they better listen up. –JS


In October 2019, Google released an ad for their Google Assistant (GA), an intelligent virtual assistant (IVA) that initially debuted in 2016. As revealed by onscreen text and the video’s caption, the ad’s announced that the GA would soon have a new celebrity voice. The ten-second promotion includes a soundbite from this unseen celebrity—who states: “You can still call me your Google Assistant. Now I just sound extra fly”— followed by audio of the speaker’s laughter, a white screen, the GA logo, and a written question: “Can you guess who it is?”

Consumers quickly speculated about the person behind the voice, with many posting their guesses on Reddit. The earliest comments named Tiffany Haddish, Lizzo, and Issa Rae as prospects, with other users affirming these guesses. These women were considered the most popular contenders: two articles written about the new GA voice cited the Reddit post, with one calling these women Redditors’ most popular guesses and the other naming only them as users’ desired choices. Those who guessed Rae were proven correct. One day after the ad, Google released a longer promo revealing her as the GA’s new voice, including footage of Rae recording responses for the assistant. The ad ends with Rae repeating the “extra fly” line from the initial promo, smiling into the camera.

Google’s addition of Rae as an IVA voice option is one of several recent examples of Black people’s voices employed in this manner. Importantly, this trend toward Black-voiced IVAs deviates from the pre-established standard of these digital aides. While there are many voice options available, the default voices for IVAs are white female voices with flat dialects. This shift toward Black American voices is notable not only because of conversations about inclusion—with some Black users saying they feel more represented by these new voices—but because this influx of Black voices marks a spiritual return to the historical employment of Black people as service-providing, labor-performing entities in the United States, thus subliminally reinforcing historical biases about Black people as uniquely suited for performing this type of work.

Marketed as labor-saving devices, IVAs are programmed to assist with cooking and grocery shopping, transmit messages and reminders, and provide entertainment, among other tasks. Since the late 2010s they have also been able to operate other technologies within users’ homes: Alexa, for example, can control Roomba robotic vacuums; IVA-compatible smart plugs or smart home devices enable IVAs to control lights, locks, thermostats, and other such apparatuses. Behaviorally, IVAs are designed and expected to be on-call at all times, but not to speak or act out of turn—with programmers often directed to ensure these aides are relatable, reliable, trustworthy, and unobtrusive.

Round Grey Speaker On Brown Board, gadget, google assistant, google home (public domain)

Far from operating in a vacuum, IVAs eerily evoke the presence of and parameters set for enslaved workers and domestic servants in the U.S.—many of whom have historically been Black American women. Like IVAs, Black women servants cooked, cleaned, entertained children, and otherwise served their (predominantly white) employers, themselves operating as labor-saving devices through their performance of these labors. Employers similarly expected these women to be ever-available, occupy specific areas of the home, and obey all requests and demands—and were unsettled if not infuriated when maids did not behave according to their expectations.

White women being the default voices of IVAs has somewhat obfuscated the degree to which these aides have re-embodied and replaced the Black servants who once predominantly executed this work, but incorporating Black voices into these roles removes this veil, symbolically re-implementing Black people as labor-performing entities by having them operate as the virtual assistants who now perform much of the labor Black workers historically performed. Enabling Black people to be used as IVAs thus re-aligns Black beings with the performance of service and labor.

While Black women were far from the only demographic conscripted into domestic labor, by the 1920s they comprised a “permanent pool of servants” throughout the country, due largely to the egress of white American and immigrant women from domestic service into fields that excluded Black women (183). Black women’s prominence in domestic service was heavily reflected in early U.S. media, which overwhelmingly portrayed domestic servants not just as Black women, but as Black Mammies—domestic servant archetypes originally created to promote the myth that Black women “were contented, even happy as slaves.” Characters like Gone with the Wind’s “Mammy” pulled both from then-current associations of Black women with domestic labor and from white nostalgia for the Antebellum era, and specifically for the archetypal Mammy—marking Black women as idealized labor-performing domestics operating in service of white employers. These on-screen servants were “always around when the boss needed them…[and] always ready to lend a helping hand when times were tough” (36). Historian Donald Bogle dubbed this era of Hollywood the “Age of the Negro Servant,” referenced in this reel from the New York Times.

—-

.

—–

Cinema and television merely built from years of audible racism on the radio—America’s most prominent form of in-home entertainment in the first half of the 20th century—where Black actors also played largely servant and maid roles that demanded they speak in “distorted dialect, exaggerated intonation, rhythmic speech cadences, and particular musical instruments” in order to appear at all (143). This white-contrived portrayal of Black people is known as “Blackvoice,” and essentially functions as “the minstrel show boiled down to pure aurality” (14). These performances allowed familiar ideals of and narratives about Blackness to be communicated and recirculated on a national scale, even without the presence of Black bodies. Labor-performing Black characters like Beulah, Molasses and January, Aunt Jemima, and Amos and Andy were prominent in the Golden Age of Radio, all initially voiced by white actors. In fact, Aunt Jemima’s print advertising was just as dependent on stereotypical representations of her voice as it was on visual “Mammy” imagery.

Close up of Aunt Jemima advertising appearing in Woman’s Day in 1948.

When Black actors broke through white exclusion on the airwaves, many took over roles once voiced by white men and/or were forced by white radio producers and scriptwriters to “‘talk as white people believed Negroes talked’” so that white audiences could discern them as Black (371). This continuous realignment undoubtedly informs contemporary ideas of labor, labor performance, and laboring bodies, further promoted by the sudden influx of Black voice assistants in 2019.

Specifically, these similarities demonstrate that contemporary IVAs are intrinsically haunted by Black women slaves and servants: built in accordance with and thus inevitably evoking these laborers in their positioning, programming, and task performance. Further facilitating this alignment is the fact that advertisements for Black-voiced IVAs purposefully link well-known Black bodies in conjunction with their Black voices. Excepting Apple’s Black-sounding voice options for Siri, all of  the Black IVA voice options since 2019 have belonged to prominent Black American celebrities. Prior to Issa Rae, GA users could employ John Legend as their digital aide (April 2019 until March 2020). Samuel L. Jackson became the first celebrity voice option for Amazon’s Alexa in December 2019, followed by Shaquille O’Neal in July 2021.

The ads for Black-voiced IVAs thus link these disembodied aides not just to Black bodies, but to specific Black bodies as a sales tactic—bodies which signify particular images and embodiments of Blackness. The Samuel L. Jackson Alexa ad utilizes close-ups of Jackson recording lines for the IVA and of Echo speakers with Jackson’s voice emitting from them in response to users. John Legend is physically absent from the ad announcing him as the GA; however, his celebrity wife directs the GA to sing for her instead, after which she states that it is “just like the real John”—thus linking Legend’s body to the GA even without his onscreen presence. Amazon has even explicitly explored the connection between the Black-voiced IVA and the Black body, releasing a 2021 commercial called “Alexa’s Body” that saw Alexa voiced and physically embodied by Michael B. Jordan—with the main character in the commercial insinuating that he is the ideal vessel for Alexa.

By aligning these bodies with, and having them act as, labor-performing devices in service of consumers, these advertisements both re-align Blackness with labor and illuminate how these devices were always already haunted by laboring Black bodies—and especially, given the demographics of the bodies who most performed the types of labors IVAs now execute, laboring Black women’s bodies. That the majority of the Black celebrities employed as Black IVA voices are men suggests some awareness of and attempt to distance from this history and implicit haunting—an effort which itself exposes and illuminates the degree to which this haunting exists. 

In some cases, the Black people lending their voices to these IVAs also speak in a way that sonically suggests Blackness: Issa Rae’s “Now I’m just extra fly,” for example, incorporates Black American slang through the use of the word “fly. As part of African American Vernacular English (AAVE), the term “fly” dates back to the 1970s and denotes coolness, attractiveness, and fashionableness. Because of its inclusion in Hip Hop, which has become the dominant music genre in the United States, the term, its meaning, and its racial origins are widely known amongst consumers. By using the word “fly,” Rae nods not only at these qualities but also at her own Blackness in a manner that is recognizable to a mainstream American audience.  Due in part to Hip Hop’s popularity, U.S.-based media outlets, corporations, and individuals of varying races and ethnicities regularly appropriate AAVE and Black slang terms, often without regard for the culture that created them or the vernacular they stem from. The ad preceding Issa Rae’s revelation as the GA specifically invited users to align the voice with a celebrity body, and users’ predominant claims that the voice was a Black woman’s suggest that something about the voice conjured Blackness and the Black female body.

“Alexa Voice” by Stock Catalog, (CC BY 2.0)

This racial marking was also likely facilitated by how people naturally listen and respond to voices. As Nina Sun Eidsheim notes in The Race of Sound, “voices heard are ultimately identified, recognized, and named by listeners at large. In hearing a voice, one also brings forth a series of assumptions about the nature of voice” (12). This series of assumptions, Eidsheim asserts in “The Voice as Action,” is inflected by the “multisensory context” surrounding a given voice, i.e., “a composite of visual, textural, discursive, and other kinds of information” (9). While we imagine our impressions of voices as uniquely meaningful, “we cannot but perceive [them] through filters generated by our own preconceptions” (10). As a result, listening is never a neutral or truly objective practice.

For many consumers, these filters are informed by what Jennifer Lynn Stoever terms the sonic color line, “a socially constructed boundary that racially codes sonic phenomena such as vocal timbre, accents, and musical tones” (11). Where the racial color line allows white people to separate themselves from Black people on the basis of visual and behavioral differences, the sonic color line allows people “to construct and discern racial identities based on voices, sounds, and particular soundscapes” and to assign nonwhite voices with “differential cultural, social, and political value” (11). In the U.S., the sonic color line operates in tandem with the American listening ear, which “normalizes the aural tastes and standards of white elite masculinity as the singular way to interpret sonic information” (13)  and therefore marks-as-Other not only the voices and bodies of Black people, but also those of non-males and the non-elite.

Voice bubble from 1940’s print ad for Aunt Jemima Pancake mix: the sonic color line in sight and sound.

Ironically, the very listening practices which make consumers register particular voices and vocal qualities as Black also make Black voices inaccessible to Alexa and other IVAs. Scholarship on Automated Speech Recognition (ASR) systems and Speech AI observes that many Black users find it necessary to code-switch when speaking to IVAs, as the devices fail to comprehend their linguistic specificities. A study by Christina N. Harrington et al. in which Black elders used the Google Home to seek health information discovered that “participants felt that Google Home struggles to understand their communication style (e.g., diction or accent) and language (e.g., dialect) specifically due to the device being based on Standard English” (15). To address these struggles, participants switched to Standard American English (SAE), eliminating informal contractions and changing their tone and verbiage so that the GA would understand them. As one of the study’s participants states,

You do have to change your words. Yes. You do have to change your diction and yes, you have to use… It cannot be an exotic name or a name that’s out of the Caucasian round. …You have to be very clear with the English language. No ebonic (15).

This incomprehension extends to Black Americans of all ages, and to other IVAs. A study by Allison Koenecke et al. on ASR systems produced by Amazon, Google, IBM, Microsoft and Apple discovered that these entities had a harder time accurately transcribing Black speech than white speech, producing “an average word error rate (WER) of 0.35 for black speakers compared with 0.19 for white speakers.” (7684). A study by Zion Mengesha et al. on the impact of these errors on Black Americans—which included participants from different regions with a range of ages, genders, socioeconomic backgrounds and education-levels—discovered that many felt frustrated and othered by these mistakes, and felt further pressure to code-switch so that they would not be misunderstood. Koenecke et al. concluded that ASR systems could not understand the “phonological, phonetic, or prosodic characteristics of” AAVE (7687), and that this ignorance would make the use of these technologies more difficult for Black users—a sentiment that was echoed by participants in the study conducted by Mengesha et al., most of whom marked the technology as working better for white and/or SAE speakers (5). 

The speech recognition errors these technologies demonstrate—which also extend to speakers in other racial and ethnic groups—illuminate the reality that despite including Black voices as IVAs, these assistant technologies are not truly built for Black people, or for any person that does not speak Standard American English. And where AAVE is largely associated with Blackness, SAE is predominantly associated with whiteness: as a dialect widely perceived to be “lacking any distinctly regional, ethnic, or socioeconomic characteristics,” it is recognized as being “spoken by the majority group or the socially advantaged group” in the United States—both groups which are solely or primarily composed of white people. SAE is so identified with whiteness that Black people who only speak Standard English are often told that they sound and/or “talk” white, and Black people who deliberately invoke SAE in professional and/or interracial settings (i.e., code switching) are described as “talking white” or using their “white voice” when doing so. That IVAs and other ASR systems have such trouble understanding AAVE and other non-standard English dialects suggests that these technologies were not designed to understand any dialect other than SAE—and thus, given SAE’s strong identification with whiteness, were designed specifically to assist, understand, and speak to white users.

Writing on this phenomena as a woman with a non-standard accent, Sinduja Rangarajan highlights in “Hey Siri—Why Don’t You Understand More People Like Me?” that none of the IVAs currently on the market offer any American dialect that is not SAE. And while users can change their IVA’s accents, they are limited to Standard American, British, Irish, Australian, Indian, and South African—which Rangarajan rightly highlights as revealing who the IVAs think they are talking to, rather than who their user actually is. That most of these accents belong to Western, predominantly white countries (or to countries once colonized by white imperialists) strongly suggests that these devices are programmed to speak to—and perform labor for—white consumers specifically.

“Voice is Already Big”: Adobe Sayspring Founder Mark Christopher Webster Presents At Entrepreneurs Roundtable Accelerator Demo Day in April 2017 (CC BY-SA 4.0)

When considering the primary imagined and target users of IVAs, the sudden influx of Black-voiced IVAs becomes particularly insidious. Though they may indeed make some Black users feel more represented, cultivating this representation is merely a byproduct of their actual purpose. Because these technologies are not built for Black consumers, Black-voiced IVAs are meant to appeal not to Black users, but to white ones. Rae, Jackson, and the other Black celebrity voices may provide a much-needed variety in the types of voices applied to IVAs, but they primarily operate as “further examples of technology companies using Black voices to entertain white consumers while ignoring Black consumers.” Black-voiced assistants, after all, no better understand Black vernacular English than any of the other voice options for IVAs, a reality marking Black speech patterns as enjoyable but not legitimate.

By excluding Black consumers, the companies behind these IVAs insinuate that Blackness is only acceptable and worthy of consideration when operating in service of whiteness. Where Black people as consumers have been delegitimized and disregarded, Black voices as labor-saving assistants have been welcomed and deemed profitable—a reality which further emphasizes how historical constructions of Black people as labor-performing devices haunts these contemporary technologies. Tech companies reinforce historical positionings of white people as ideal consumers and Black people as consumable products—repeating historical demarcations of Blackness and whiteness in the present. 

In imagining the futures of IVAs, the companies behind them would need to reconsider how they interact—or fail to interact—with Black users. Both Samuel L. Jackson and Shaquille O’Neal, the last of the Black-celebrity-voiced IVAs still currently available to users, will be removed as Alexa voice options by September 2023, presenting an opportunity for these companies to divest. Whether or not the brands behind these IVAs take this initiative, consumers themselves can be critical of how AI technologies continue to reestablish hierarchical systems, of their own interactions with these devices, and of who these technologies are truly made for. In being critical, we can perhaps begin to envision alternative, reparative modes of AI technology—modes that serve and support more than one kind of user. 

Featured Image: Issa Rae gif from the 2017 Golden Globes

Golden Marie Owens is a PhD candidate in the Screen Cultures program at Northwestern University. Her research interests include representations of race and gender in American media and popular culture, artificial intelligence, and racialized sounds. Her doctoral dissertation, “Mechanical Maids: Digital Assistants, Domestic Spaces, and the Spectre(s) of Black Women’s
Labor,” examines how intelligent virtual assistants such as Apple’s Siri and Amazon’s Alexa evoke and are haunted by Black women slaves, servants, and houseworkers in the United States. In her time at Northwestern, she has had internal fellowships through the Office of Fellowships and the Alice Kaplan Institute for the Humanities. She currently holds an MMUF Dissertation Grant through the Institute for Citizens and Scholars and Ford Dissertation Fellowship through the National Academy for Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine.

tape-reel

REWIND! . . .If you liked this post, you may also dig:

Beyond the Every Day: Vocal Potential in AI Mediated Communication –Amina Abbas-Nazari 

Voice as Ecology: Voice Donation, Materiality, Identity–Steph Ceraso

Mr. and Mrs. Talking Machine: The Euphonia, the Phonograph, and the Gendering of Nineteenth Century Mechanical Speech – J. Martin Vest

Echo and the Chorus of Female MachinesAO Roberts

Black Excellence on the Airwaves: Nora Holt and the American Negro Artist ProgramChelsea Daniel and Samantha Ege

Spaces of Sounds: The Peoples of the African Diaspora and Protest in the United States–Vanessa Valdes

On Whiteness and Sound Studies–Gus Stadler

“Hey Google, Talk Like Issa”: Black Voiced Digital Assistants and the Reshaping of Racial Labor

.

In summer 2021, sound artist, engineer, musician, and educator Johann Diedrick convened a panel at the intersection of racial bias, listening, and AI technology at Pioneerworks in Brooklyn, NY. Diedrick, 2021 Mozilla Creative Media award recipient and creator of such works as Dark Matters, is currently working on identifying the origins of racial bias in voice interface systems. Dark Matters, according to Squeaky Wheel, “exposes the absence of Black speech in the datasets used to train voice interface systems in consumer artificial intelligence products such as Alexa and Siri. Utilizing 3D modeling, sound, and storytelling, the project challenges our communities to grapple with racism and inequity through speech and the spoken word, and how AI systems underserve Black communities.” And now, he’s working with SO! as guest editor for this series (along with ed-in-chief JS!). It kicked off with Amina Abbas-Nazari’s post, helping us to understand how Speech AI systems operate from a very limiting set of assumptions about the human voice. Today Golden Owens explored what happens when companies sell Black voices along with their Intelligent Virtual Assistants. Tune in for a deep historical dive into the racialized sound of servitude in America. Even though corporations aren’t trying to hear this absolutely critical information–or Black users in general–they better listen up. –JS


In October 2019, Google released an ad for their Google Assistant (GA), an intelligent virtual assistant (IVA) that initially debuted in 2016. As revealed by onscreen text and the video’s caption, the ad’s announced that the GA would soon have a new celebrity voice. The ten-second promotion includes a soundbite from this unseen celebrity—who states: “You can still call me your Google Assistant. Now I just sound extra fly”— followed by audio of the speaker’s laughter, a white screen, the GA logo, and a written question: “Can you guess who it is?”

Consumers quickly speculated about the person behind the voice, with many posting their guesses on Reddit. The earliest comments named Tiffany Haddish, Lizzo, and Issa Rae as prospects, with other users affirming these guesses. These women were considered the most popular contenders: two articles written about the new GA voice cited the Reddit post, with one calling these women Redditors’ most popular guesses and the other naming only them as users’ desired choices. Those who guessed Rae were proven correct. One day after the ad, Google released a longer promo revealing her as the GA’s new voice, including footage of Rae recording responses for the assistant. The ad ends with Rae repeating the “extra fly” line from the initial promo, smiling into the camera.

Google’s addition of Rae as an IVA voice option is one of several recent examples of Black people’s voices employed in this manner. Importantly, this trend toward Black-voiced IVAs deviates from the pre-established standard of these digital aides. While there are many voice options available, the default voices for IVAs are white female voices with flat dialects. This shift toward Black American voices is notable not only because of conversations about inclusion—with some Black users saying they feel more represented by these new voices—but because this influx of Black voices marks a spiritual return to the historical employment of Black people as service-providing, labor-performing entities in the United States, thus subliminally reinforcing historical biases about Black people as uniquely suited for performing this type of work.

Marketed as labor-saving devices, IVAs are programmed to assist with cooking and grocery shopping, transmit messages and reminders, and provide entertainment, among other tasks. Since the late 2010s they have also been able to operate other technologies within users’ homes: Alexa, for example, can control Roomba robotic vacuums; IVA-compatible smart plugs or smart home devices enable IVAs to control lights, locks, thermostats, and other such apparatuses. Behaviorally, IVAs are designed and expected to be on-call at all times, but not to speak or act out of turn—with programmers often directed to ensure these aides are relatable, reliable, trustworthy, and unobtrusive.

Round Grey Speaker On Brown Board, gadget, google assistant, google home (public domain)

Far from operating in a vacuum, IVAs eerily evoke the presence of and parameters set for enslaved workers and domestic servants in the U.S.—many of whom have historically been Black American women. Like IVAs, Black women servants cooked, cleaned, entertained children, and otherwise served their (predominantly white) employers, themselves operating as labor-saving devices through their performance of these labors. Employers similarly expected these women to be ever-available, occupy specific areas of the home, and obey all requests and demands—and were unsettled if not infuriated when maids did not behave according to their expectations.

White women being the default voices of IVAs has somewhat obfuscated the degree to which these aides have re-embodied and replaced the Black servants who once predominantly executed this work, but incorporating Black voices into these roles removes this veil, symbolically re-implementing Black people as labor-performing entities by having them operate as the virtual assistants who now perform much of the labor Black workers historically performed. Enabling Black people to be used as IVAs thus re-aligns Black beings with the performance of service and labor.

While Black women were far from the only demographic conscripted into domestic labor, by the 1920s they comprised a “permanent pool of servants” throughout the country, due largely to the egress of white American and immigrant women from domestic service into fields that excluded Black women (183). Black women’s prominence in domestic service was heavily reflected in early U.S. media, which overwhelmingly portrayed domestic servants not just as Black women, but as Black Mammies—domestic servant archetypes originally created to promote the myth that Black women “were contented, even happy as slaves.” Characters like Gone with the Wind’s “Mammy” pulled both from then-current associations of Black women with domestic labor and from white nostalgia for the Antebellum era, and specifically for the archetypal Mammy—marking Black women as idealized labor-performing domestics operating in service of white employers. These on-screen servants were “always around when the boss needed them…[and] always ready to lend a helping hand when times were tough” (36). Historian Donald Bogle dubbed this era of Hollywood the “Age of the Negro Servant,” referenced in this reel from the New York Times.

—-

.

—–

Cinema and television merely built from years of audible racism on the radio—America’s most prominent form of in-home entertainment in the first half of the 20th century—where Black actors also played largely servant and maid roles that demanded they speak in “distorted dialect, exaggerated intonation, rhythmic speech cadences, and particular musical instruments” in order to appear at all (143). This white-contrived portrayal of Black people is known as “Blackvoice,” and essentially functions as “the minstrel show boiled down to pure aurality” (14). These performances allowed familiar ideals of and narratives about Blackness to be communicated and recirculated on a national scale, even without the presence of Black bodies. Labor-performing Black characters like Beulah, Molasses and January, Aunt Jemima, and Amos and Andy were prominent in the Golden Age of Radio, all initially voiced by white actors. In fact, Aunt Jemima’s print advertising was just as dependent on stereotypical representations of her voice as it was on visual “Mammy” imagery.

Close up of Aunt Jemima advertising appearing in Woman’s Day in 1948.

When Black actors broke through white exclusion on the airwaves, many took over roles once voiced by white men and/or were forced by white radio producers and scriptwriters to “‘talk as white people believed Negroes talked’” so that white audiences could discern them as Black (371). This continuous realignment undoubtedly informs contemporary ideas of labor, labor performance, and laboring bodies, further promoted by the sudden influx of Black voice assistants in 2019.

Specifically, these similarities demonstrate that contemporary IVAs are intrinsically haunted by Black women slaves and servants: built in accordance with and thus inevitably evoking these laborers in their positioning, programming, and task performance. Further facilitating this alignment is the fact that advertisements for Black-voiced IVAs purposefully link well-known Black bodies in conjunction with their Black voices. Excepting Apple’s Black-sounding voice options for Siri, all of  the Black IVA voice options since 2019 have belonged to prominent Black American celebrities. Prior to Issa Rae, GA users could employ John Legend as their digital aide (April 2019 until March 2020). Samuel L. Jackson became the first celebrity voice option for Amazon’s Alexa in December 2019, followed by Shaquille O’Neal in July 2021.

The ads for Black-voiced IVAs thus link these disembodied aides not just to Black bodies, but to specific Black bodies as a sales tactic—bodies which signify particular images and embodiments of Blackness. The Samuel L. Jackson Alexa ad utilizes close-ups of Jackson recording lines for the IVA and of Echo speakers with Jackson’s voice emitting from them in response to users. John Legend is physically absent from the ad announcing him as the GA; however, his celebrity wife directs the GA to sing for her instead, after which she states that it is “just like the real John”—thus linking Legend’s body to the GA even without his onscreen presence. Amazon has even explicitly explored the connection between the Black-voiced IVA and the Black body, releasing a 2021 commercial called “Alexa’s Body” that saw Alexa voiced and physically embodied by Michael B. Jordan—with the main character in the commercial insinuating that he is the ideal vessel for Alexa.

By aligning these bodies with, and having them act as, labor-performing devices in service of consumers, these advertisements both re-align Blackness with labor and illuminate how these devices were always already haunted by laboring Black bodies—and especially, given the demographics of the bodies who most performed the types of labors IVAs now execute, laboring Black women’s bodies. That the majority of the Black celebrities employed as Black IVA voices are men suggests some awareness of and attempt to distance from this history and implicit haunting—an effort which itself exposes and illuminates the degree to which this haunting exists. 

In some cases, the Black people lending their voices to these IVAs also speak in a way that sonically suggests Blackness: Issa Rae’s “Now I’m just extra fly,” for example, incorporates Black American slang through the use of the word “fly. As part of African American Vernacular English (AAVE), the term “fly” dates back to the 1970s and denotes coolness, attractiveness, and fashionableness. Because of its inclusion in Hip Hop, which has become the dominant music genre in the United States, the term, its meaning, and its racial origins are widely known amongst consumers. By using the word “fly,” Rae nods not only at these qualities but also at her own Blackness in a manner that is recognizable to a mainstream American audience.  Due in part to Hip Hop’s popularity, U.S.-based media outlets, corporations, and individuals of varying races and ethnicities regularly appropriate AAVE and Black slang terms, often without regard for the culture that created them or the vernacular they stem from. The ad preceding Issa Rae’s revelation as the GA specifically invited users to align the voice with a celebrity body, and users’ predominant claims that the voice was a Black woman’s suggest that something about the voice conjured Blackness and the Black female body.

“Alexa Voice” by Stock Catalog, (CC BY 2.0)

This racial marking was also likely facilitated by how people naturally listen and respond to voices. As Nina Sun Eidsheim notes in The Race of Sound, “voices heard are ultimately identified, recognized, and named by listeners at large. In hearing a voice, one also brings forth a series of assumptions about the nature of voice” (12). This series of assumptions, Eidsheim asserts in “The Voice as Action,” is inflected by the “multisensory context” surrounding a given voice, i.e., “a composite of visual, textural, discursive, and other kinds of information” (9). While we imagine our impressions of voices as uniquely meaningful, “we cannot but perceive [them] through filters generated by our own preconceptions” (10). As a result, listening is never a neutral or truly objective practice.

For many consumers, these filters are informed by what Jennifer Lynn Stoever terms the sonic color line, “a socially constructed boundary that racially codes sonic phenomena such as vocal timbre, accents, and musical tones” (11). Where the racial color line allows white people to separate themselves from Black people on the basis of visual and behavioral differences, the sonic color line allows people “to construct and discern racial identities based on voices, sounds, and particular soundscapes” and to assign nonwhite voices with “differential cultural, social, and political value” (11). In the U.S., the sonic color line operates in tandem with the American listening ear, which “normalizes the aural tastes and standards of white elite masculinity as the singular way to interpret sonic information” (13)  and therefore marks-as-Other not only the voices and bodies of Black people, but also those of non-males and the non-elite.

Voice bubble from 1940’s print ad for Aunt Jemima Pancake mix: the sonic color line in sight and sound.

Ironically, the very listening practices which make consumers register particular voices and vocal qualities as Black also make Black voices inaccessible to Alexa and other IVAs. Scholarship on Automated Speech Recognition (ASR) systems and Speech AI observes that many Black users find it necessary to code-switch when speaking to IVAs, as the devices fail to comprehend their linguistic specificities. A study by Christina N. Harrington et al. in which Black elders used the Google Home to seek health information discovered that “participants felt that Google Home struggles to understand their communication style (e.g., diction or accent) and language (e.g., dialect) specifically due to the device being based on Standard English” (15). To address these struggles, participants switched to Standard American English (SAE), eliminating informal contractions and changing their tone and verbiage so that the GA would understand them. As one of the study’s participants states,

You do have to change your words. Yes. You do have to change your diction and yes, you have to use… It cannot be an exotic name or a name that’s out of the Caucasian round. …You have to be very clear with the English language. No ebonic (15).

This incomprehension extends to Black Americans of all ages, and to other IVAs. A study by Allison Koenecke et al. on ASR systems produced by Amazon, Google, IBM, Microsoft and Apple discovered that these entities had a harder time accurately transcribing Black speech than white speech, producing “an average word error rate (WER) of 0.35 for black speakers compared with 0.19 for white speakers.” (7684). A study by Zion Mengesha et al. on the impact of these errors on Black Americans—which included participants from different regions with a range of ages, genders, socioeconomic backgrounds and education-levels—discovered that many felt frustrated and othered by these mistakes, and felt further pressure to code-switch so that they would not be misunderstood. Koenecke et al. concluded that ASR systems could not understand the “phonological, phonetic, or prosodic characteristics of” AAVE (7687), and that this ignorance would make the use of these technologies more difficult for Black users—a sentiment that was echoed by participants in the study conducted by Mengesha et al., most of whom marked the technology as working better for white and/or SAE speakers (5). 

The speech recognition errors these technologies demonstrate—which also extend to speakers in other racial and ethnic groups—illuminate the reality that despite including Black voices as IVAs, these assistant technologies are not truly built for Black people, or for any person that does not speak Standard American English. And where AAVE is largely associated with Blackness, SAE is predominantly associated with whiteness: as a dialect widely perceived to be “lacking any distinctly regional, ethnic, or socioeconomic characteristics,” it is recognized as being “spoken by the majority group or the socially advantaged group” in the United States—both groups which are solely or primarily composed of white people. SAE is so identified with whiteness that Black people who only speak Standard English are often told that they sound and/or “talk” white, and Black people who deliberately invoke SAE in professional and/or interracial settings (i.e., code switching) are described as “talking white” or using their “white voice” when doing so. That IVAs and other ASR systems have such trouble understanding AAVE and other non-standard English dialects suggests that these technologies were not designed to understand any dialect other than SAE—and thus, given SAE’s strong identification with whiteness, were designed specifically to assist, understand, and speak to white users.

Writing on this phenomena as a woman with a non-standard accent, Sinduja Rangarajan highlights in “Hey Siri—Why Don’t You Understand More People Like Me?” that none of the IVAs currently on the market offer any American dialect that is not SAE. And while users can change their IVA’s accents, they are limited to Standard American, British, Irish, Australian, Indian, and South African—which Rangarajan rightly highlights as revealing who the IVAs think they are talking to, rather than who their user actually is. That most of these accents belong to Western, predominantly white countries (or to countries once colonized by white imperialists) strongly suggests that these devices are programmed to speak to—and perform labor for—white consumers specifically.

“Voice is Already Big”: Adobe Sayspring Founder Mark Christopher Webster Presents At Entrepreneurs Roundtable Accelerator Demo Day in April 2017 (CC BY-SA 4.0)

When considering the primary imagined and target users of IVAs, the sudden influx of Black-voiced IVAs becomes particularly insidious. Though they may indeed make some Black users feel more represented, cultivating this representation is merely a byproduct of their actual purpose. Because these technologies are not built for Black consumers, Black-voiced IVAs are meant to appeal not to Black users, but to white ones. Rae, Jackson, and the other Black celebrity voices may provide a much-needed variety in the types of voices applied to IVAs, but they primarily operate as “further examples of technology companies using Black voices to entertain white consumers while ignoring Black consumers.” Black-voiced assistants, after all, no better understand Black vernacular English than any of the other voice options for IVAs, a reality marking Black speech patterns as enjoyable but not legitimate.

By excluding Black consumers, the companies behind these IVAs insinuate that Blackness is only acceptable and worthy of consideration when operating in service of whiteness. Where Black people as consumers have been delegitimized and disregarded, Black voices as labor-saving assistants have been welcomed and deemed profitable—a reality which further emphasizes how historical constructions of Black people as labor-performing devices haunts these contemporary technologies. Tech companies reinforce historical positionings of white people as ideal consumers and Black people as consumable products—repeating historical demarcations of Blackness and whiteness in the present. 

In imagining the futures of IVAs, the companies behind them would need to reconsider how they interact—or fail to interact—with Black users. Both Samuel L. Jackson and Shaquille O’Neal, the last of the Black-celebrity-voiced IVAs still currently available to users, will be removed as Alexa voice options by September 2023, presenting an opportunity for these companies to divest. Whether or not the brands behind these IVAs take this initiative, consumers themselves can be critical of how AI technologies continue to reestablish hierarchical systems, of their own interactions with these devices, and of who these technologies are truly made for. In being critical, we can perhaps begin to envision alternative, reparative modes of AI technology—modes that serve and support more than one kind of user. 

Featured Image: Issa Rae gif from the 2017 Golden Globes

Golden Marie Owens is a PhD candidate in the Screen Cultures program at Northwestern University. Her research interests include representations of race and gender in American media and popular culture, artificial intelligence, and racialized sounds. Her doctoral dissertation, “Mechanical Maids: Digital Assistants, Domestic Spaces, and the Spectre(s) of Black Women’s
Labor,” examines how intelligent virtual assistants such as Apple’s Siri and Amazon’s Alexa evoke and are haunted by Black women slaves, servants, and houseworkers in the United States. In her time at Northwestern, she has had internal fellowships through the Office of Fellowships and the Alice Kaplan Institute for the Humanities. She currently holds an MMUF Dissertation Grant through the Institute for Citizens and Scholars and Ford Dissertation Fellowship through the National Academy for Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine.

tape-reel

REWIND! . . .If you liked this post, you may also dig:

Beyond the Every Day: Vocal Potential in AI Mediated Communication –Amina Abbas-Nazari 

Voice as Ecology: Voice Donation, Materiality, Identity–Steph Ceraso

Mr. and Mrs. Talking Machine: The Euphonia, the Phonograph, and the Gendering of Nineteenth Century Mechanical Speech – J. Martin Vest

Echo and the Chorus of Female MachinesAO Roberts

Black Excellence on the Airwaves: Nora Holt and the American Negro Artist ProgramChelsea Daniel and Samantha Ege

Spaces of Sounds: The Peoples of the African Diaspora and Protest in the United States–Vanessa Valdes

On Whiteness and Sound Studies–Gus Stadler

Young People and Information – A Manifesto

(Editor Alex Grech, Malta)

Young People and Information Manifesto

The State of Play with Online Information – The Issues We Want to Address

The manifesto is a primer for much-needed input and discussions among young people, individuals and institutions whom young people perceive as being able to address issues relating to online information – and implement improvements. Policymakers should read it, regulators and people working for technology firms, think tanks, technology companies and education institutions. The manifesto also calls for young people to take responsibility for the information they consume, create, and share online.

From the voices of the few can come change for many and for the generations to come.

MEDIA FREEDOMS

01 We are human. We are not data.
02 We have a socio-technical existence, and it is not for sale or exploitation.
03 We recognise that there is no such thing as free media. The price of an internet connection is not the only price we are paying to speak freely. The price of harvesting personal data for the benefit of third parties is rarely quantifiable.
04 We have the right to express ourselves freely but responsibly, and access information online without fear of censorship, surveillance, or harassment. We believe in the safeguarding of media freedoms, with a right to freedom of expression and to access information that is as free from bias as possible.
05 We believe journalism should be practised without fear or prejudice, irrespective of whether the journalist is employed by a mainstream media outlet, working as an independent investigative citizen journalist, or as a blogger. It is still possible for people on TikTok to do independent journalism.
06 We need to support citizen journalism and the role it plays in holding those in power accountable.

(if you want to read more, go to the pdf, downloadable here)

Beyond the Every Day: Vocal Potential in AI Mediated Communication 

In summer 2021, sound artist, engineer, musician, and educator Johann Diedrick convened a panel at the intersection of racial bias, listening, and AI technology at Pioneerworks in Brooklyn, NY. Diedrick, 2021 Mozilla Creative Media award recipient and creator of such works as Dark Matters, is currently working on identifying the origins of racial bias in voice interface systems. Dark Matters, according to Squeaky Wheel, “exposes the absence of Black speech in the datasets used to train voice interface systems in consumer artificial intelligence products such as Alexa and Siri. Utilizing 3D modeling, sound, and storytelling, the project challenges our communities to grapple with racism and inequity through speech and the spoken word, and how AI systems underserve Black communities.” And now, he’s working with SO! as guest editor for this series for Sounding Out! (along with ed-in-chief JS!). It starts today, with Amina Abbas-Nazari, helping us to understand how Speech AI systems operate from a very limiting set of assumptions about the human voice– are we training it, or is it actually training us?


Hi, good morning. I’m calling in from Bangalore, India.” I’m talking on speakerphone to a man with an obvious Indian accent. He pauses. “Now I have enabled the accent translation,” he says. It’s the same person, but he sounds completely different: loud and slightly nasal, impossible to distinguish from the accents of my friends in Brooklyn.

The AI startup erasing call center worker accents: is it fighting bias – or perpetuating it? (Wilfred Chan, 24 August 2022)

This telephone interaction was recounted in The Guardian reporting on a Silicon Valley tech start-up called Sanas. The company provides AI enabled technology for real-time voice modification for call centre workers voices to sound more “Western”. The company describes this venture as a solution to improve communication between typically American callers and call centre workers, who might be based in countries such as Philippines and India. Meanwhile, research has found that major companies’ AI interactive speech systems exhibit considerable racial imbalance when trying to recognise Black voices compared to white speakers. As a result, in the hopes of being better heard and understood, Google smart speaker users with regional or ethnic American accents relay that they find themselves contorting their mouths to imitate Midwestern American accents.

These instances describe racial biases present in voice interactions with AI enabled and mediated communication systems, whereby sounding ‘Western’ entitles one to more efficient communication, better usability, or increased access to services. This is not a problem specific to AI though. Linguistics researcher John Baugh, writing in 2002, describes how  linguistic profiling is known to have resulted in housing being denied to people of colour in the US via telephone interactions. Jennifer Stoever‘s The Sonic Color Line (2016) presents a cultural and political history of the racialized body and how it both informed and was informed by emergent sound technologies. AI mediated communication repeats and reinforces biases that pre-exist the technology itself, but also helping it become even more widely pervasive.

“pain” by Flickr user Pol Neiman (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Mozilla’s commendable Common Voice project aims to ‘teach machines how real people speak’ by building an open source, multi-language dataset of voices to improve usability for non-Western speaking or sounding voices. But singer and musicologist, Nina Sun Eidsheim describes how ’a specific voice’s sonic potentiality [in] its execution can exceed imagination’ (7), and voices as having ‘an infinity of unrealised manifestations’ (8) in The Race of Sound (2019). Eidsheim’s sentiments describe a vocal potential, through musicality, that exists beyond ideas of accents and dialects, and vocal markers of categorised identity. As a practicing vocal performer, I recognise and resonate with Eidsheim’s ideas I have a particular interest in extended and experimental vocality, especially gained through my time singing with Musarc Choir and working with artist Fani Parali. In these instances, I have experienced the pleasurable challenge of being asked to vocalise the mythical, animal, imagined, alien and otherworldly edges of the sonic sphere, to explore complex relations between bodies, ecologies, space and time, illuminated through vocal expression.

Joy by Flickr user François Karm, cropped by SO! (CC BY-NC 2.0)

Following from Eidsheim, and through my own vocal practice, I believe AI’s prerequisite of voices as “fixed, extractable, and measurable ‘sound object[s]’ located within the body” is over-simplistic and reductive. Voices, within systems of AI, are made to seem only as computable delineations of person, personality and identity, constrained to standardised stereotypes. By highlighting vocal potential, I offer a unique critique of the way voices are currently comprehended in AI recognition systems. When we appreciate the voice beyond the homogenous, we give it authority and autonomy, ultimately leading to a fuller understanding of the voice and its sounding capabilities.

My current PhD research, Speculative Voicing, applies thinking about the voice from a musical perspective to the sound and sounding of voices in artificially intelligent conversational systems. Herby the voice becomes an instrument of the body to explore its sonic materiality, vocal potential and extremities of expression, rather than being comprehended in conjunction to vocal markers of identity aligning to categories of race, gender, age, etc. In turn, this opens space for the voice to be understood as a shapeshifting, morphing and malleable entity, with immense sounding potential beyond what might be considered ordinary or everyday speech. Over the long term this provides discussion of how experimenting with vocal potential may illuminate more diverse perspectives about our sense of self and being in relation to vocal sounding.

Vocal and movement artist Elaine Mitchener exhibits the disillusion of the voice as ‘fixed’ perfectly in her performance of Christian Marclay’s No!, which I attended one hot summer’s evening at the London Contemporary Music Festival in 2022. Marclay’s graphic score uses cut outs from comic book strips to direct the performer to vocalise a myriad of ‘No”s.

In connection with Fraenkel Gallery’s 2021 exhibition, experimental vocalist Elaine Mitchener performs Christian Marclay’s graphic score, “No!” Image by author.

Mitchener’s rendering of the piece involved the cooperation and coordination of her entire body, carefully crafting lips, teeth, tongue, muscles and ligaments to construct each iteration of ‘No.’ Each transmutation of Mitchener’s ‘No’s’ came with a distinct meaning, context, and significance, contained within the vocalisation of this one simple syllable. Every utterance explored a new vocal potential, enabled by her body alone. In the context of AI mediated communication, we can see this way of working with the voice renders the idea of the voice as ‘fixed’ as redundant. Mitchener’s vocal potential demonstrates that voices can and do exist beyond AI’s prescribed comprehension of vocal sounding.

In order to further understand how AI transcribes understandings of voice onto notions of identity, and vocal potential, I produced the practice project Polyphonic Embodiment(s) as part of my PhD research, in collaboration with Nestor Pestana, with AI development by Sitraka Rakotoniaina. The AI we created for this project is based upon a speech-to-face recognition AI that aims to be able to tell what your face looks like from the sound of your voice. The prospective impact of this AI is deeply unsettling, as  its intended applications are wide-ranging – from entertainment to security, and as previously described AI recognition systems are inherently biased.

Still from project video for Polyphonic Embodiment(s). Image by author.

This multi-modal form of comprehending voice is also a hot topic of research being conducted by major research institutions including Oxford University and Massachusetts Institute of Technology. We wanted to explore this AI recognition programme in conjunction with an understanding of vocal potential and the voice as a sonic material shaped by the body. As the project title suggests, the work invites people to consider the multi-dimensional nature of voice and vocal identity from an embodied standpoint. Additionally, it calls for contemplation of the relationships between voice and identity, and individuals having multiple or evolving versions of identity. The collaboration with the custom-made AI software creates a feedback loop to reflect on how peoples’ vocal sounding is “seen” by AI, to contest the way voices are currently heard, comprehended and utilised by AI, and indeed the AI industry.

The video documentation for this project shows ‘facial’ images produced by the voice-to-face recognition AI, when activated by my voice, modified with simple DIY voice devices. Each new voice variation, created by each device, produces a different outputted face image. Some images perhaps resemble my face? (e.g. Device #8) some might be considered more masculine? (e.g. Device #10) and some are just disconcerting (e.g. Device #4). The speculative nature of Polyphonic Embodiment(s) is not to suggest that people should modify their voices in interaction with AI communication systems. Rather the simple devices work with bodily architecture and exaggerate its materiality, considering it as a flexible instrument to explore vocal potential. In turn this sheds light on the normative assumptions contained within AI’s readings of voice and its relationships to facial image and identity construction.

Through this artistic, practice-led research I hope to evolve and augment discussion around how the sounding of voices is comprehended by different disciplines of research. Taking a standpoint from music and design practice, I believe this can contest ways of working in the realms of AI mediated communication and shape the ways we understand notions of (vocal) identity: as complex, fluid, malleable, and ultimately not reducible to Western logics of sounding.

Featured Image: Still image from Polyphonic Embodiments, courtesy of author.

— 

Amina Abbas-Nazari is a practicing speculative designer, researcher, and vocal performer. Amina has researched the voice in conjunction with emerging technology, through practice, since 2008 and is now completing a PhD in the School of Communication at the Royal College of Art, focusing on the sound and sounding of voices in artificially intelligent conversational systems. She has presented her work at the London Design Festival, Design Museum, Barbican Centre, V&A, Milan Furniture Fair, Venice Architecture Biennial, Critical Media Lab, Switzerland, Litost Gallery, Prague and Harvard University, America. She has performed internationally with choirs and regularly collaborates with artists as an experimental vocalist

tape-reel

REWIND! . . .If you liked this post, you may also dig:

What is a Voice?–Alexis Deighton MacIntyre

Voice as Ecology: Voice Donation, Materiality, Identity-Steph Ceraso

Mr. and Mrs. Talking Machine: The Euphonia, the Phonograph, and the Gendering of Nineteenth Century Mechanical Speech – J. Martin Vest

One Scream is All it Takes: Voice Activated Personal Safety, Audio Surveillance, and Gender ViolenceMaría Edurne Zuazu

Echo and the Chorus of Female MachinesAO Roberts

On Sound and Pleasure: Meditations on the Human Voice– Yvon Bonefant

Beyond the Every Day: Vocal Potential in AI Mediated Communication 

In summer 2021, sound artist, engineer, musician, and educator Johann Diedrick convened a panel at the intersection of racial bias, listening, and AI technology at Pioneerworks in Brooklyn, NY. Diedrick, 2021 Mozilla Creative Media award recipient and creator of such works as Dark Matters, is currently working on identifying the origins of racial bias in voice interface systems. Dark Matters, according to Squeaky Wheel, “exposes the absence of Black speech in the datasets used to train voice interface systems in consumer artificial intelligence products such as Alexa and Siri. Utilizing 3D modeling, sound, and storytelling, the project challenges our communities to grapple with racism and inequity through speech and the spoken word, and how AI systems underserve Black communities.” And now, he’s working with SO! as guest editor for this series for Sounding Out! (along with ed-in-chief JS!). It starts today, with Amina Abbas-Nazari, helping us to understand how Speech AI systems operate from a very limiting set of assumptions about the human voice– are we training it, or is it actually training us?


Hi, good morning. I’m calling in from Bangalore, India.” I’m talking on speakerphone to a man with an obvious Indian accent. He pauses. “Now I have enabled the accent translation,” he says. It’s the same person, but he sounds completely different: loud and slightly nasal, impossible to distinguish from the accents of my friends in Brooklyn.

The AI startup erasing call center worker accents: is it fighting bias – or perpetuating it? (Wilfred Chan, 24 August 2022)

This telephone interaction was recounted in The Guardian reporting on a Silicon Valley tech start-up called Sanas. The company provides AI enabled technology for real-time voice modification for call centre workers voices to sound more “Western”. The company describes this venture as a solution to improve communication between typically American callers and call centre workers, who might be based in countries such as Philippines and India. Meanwhile, research has found that major companies’ AI interactive speech systems exhibit considerable racial imbalance when trying to recognise Black voices compared to white speakers. As a result, in the hopes of being better heard and understood, Google smart speaker users with regional or ethnic American accents relay that they find themselves contorting their mouths to imitate Midwestern American accents.

These instances describe racial biases present in voice interactions with AI enabled and mediated communication systems, whereby sounding ‘Western’ entitles one to more efficient communication, better usability, or increased access to services. This is not a problem specific to AI though. Linguistics researcher John Baugh, writing in 2002, describes how  linguistic profiling is known to have resulted in housing being denied to people of colour in the US via telephone interactions. Jennifer Stoever‘s The Sonic Color Line (2016) presents a cultural and political history of the racialized body and how it both informed and was informed by emergent sound technologies. AI mediated communication repeats and reinforces biases that pre-exist the technology itself, but also helping it become even more widely pervasive.

“pain” by Flickr user Pol Neiman (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Mozilla’s commendable Common Voice project aims to ‘teach machines how real people speak’ by building an open source, multi-language dataset of voices to improve usability for non-Western speaking or sounding voices. But singer and musicologist, Nina Sun Eidsheim describes how ’a specific voice’s sonic potentiality [in] its execution can exceed imagination’ (7), and voices as having ‘an infinity of unrealised manifestations’ (8) in The Race of Sound (2019). Eidsheim’s sentiments describe a vocal potential, through musicality, that exists beyond ideas of accents and dialects, and vocal markers of categorised identity. As a practicing vocal performer, I recognise and resonate with Eidsheim’s ideas I have a particular interest in extended and experimental vocality, especially gained through my time singing with Musarc Choir and working with artist Fani Parali. In these instances, I have experienced the pleasurable challenge of being asked to vocalise the mythical, animal, imagined, alien and otherworldly edges of the sonic sphere, to explore complex relations between bodies, ecologies, space and time, illuminated through vocal expression.

Joy by Flickr user François Karm, cropped by SO! (CC BY-NC 2.0)

Following from Eidsheim, and through my own vocal practice, I believe AI’s prerequisite of voices as “fixed, extractable, and measurable ‘sound object[s]’ located within the body” is over-simplistic and reductive. Voices, within systems of AI, are made to seem only as computable delineations of person, personality and identity, constrained to standardised stereotypes. By highlighting vocal potential, I offer a unique critique of the way voices are currently comprehended in AI recognition systems. When we appreciate the voice beyond the homogenous, we give it authority and autonomy, ultimately leading to a fuller understanding of the voice and its sounding capabilities.

My current PhD research, Speculative Voicing, applies thinking about the voice from a musical perspective to the sound and sounding of voices in artificially intelligent conversational systems. Herby the voice becomes an instrument of the body to explore its sonic materiality, vocal potential and extremities of expression, rather than being comprehended in conjunction to vocal markers of identity aligning to categories of race, gender, age, etc. In turn, this opens space for the voice to be understood as a shapeshifting, morphing and malleable entity, with immense sounding potential beyond what might be considered ordinary or everyday speech. Over the long term this provides discussion of how experimenting with vocal potential may illuminate more diverse perspectives about our sense of self and being in relation to vocal sounding.

Vocal and movement artist Elaine Mitchener exhibits the disillusion of the voice as ‘fixed’ perfectly in her performance of Christian Marclay’s No!, which I attended one hot summer’s evening at the London Contemporary Music Festival in 2022. Marclay’s graphic score uses cut outs from comic book strips to direct the performer to vocalise a myriad of ‘No”s.

In connection with Fraenkel Gallery’s 2021 exhibition, experimental vocalist Elaine Mitchener performs Christian Marclay’s graphic score, “No!” Image by author.

Mitchener’s rendering of the piece involved the cooperation and coordination of her entire body, carefully crafting lips, teeth, tongue, muscles and ligaments to construct each iteration of ‘No.’ Each transmutation of Mitchener’s ‘No’s’ came with a distinct meaning, context, and significance, contained within the vocalisation of this one simple syllable. Every utterance explored a new vocal potential, enabled by her body alone. In the context of AI mediated communication, we can see this way of working with the voice renders the idea of the voice as ‘fixed’ as redundant. Mitchener’s vocal potential demonstrates that voices can and do exist beyond AI’s prescribed comprehension of vocal sounding.

In order to further understand how AI transcribes understandings of voice onto notions of identity, and vocal potential, I produced the practice project Polyphonic Embodiment(s) as part of my PhD research, in collaboration with Nestor Pestana, with AI development by Sitraka Rakotoniaina. The AI we created for this project is based upon a speech-to-face recognition AI that aims to be able to tell what your face looks like from the sound of your voice. The prospective impact of this AI is deeply unsettling, as  its intended applications are wide-ranging – from entertainment to security, and as previously described AI recognition systems are inherently biased.

Still from project video for Polyphonic Embodiment(s). Image by author.

This multi-modal form of comprehending voice is also a hot topic of research being conducted by major research institutions including Oxford University and Massachusetts Institute of Technology. We wanted to explore this AI recognition programme in conjunction with an understanding of vocal potential and the voice as a sonic material shaped by the body. As the project title suggests, the work invites people to consider the multi-dimensional nature of voice and vocal identity from an embodied standpoint. Additionally, it calls for contemplation of the relationships between voice and identity, and individuals having multiple or evolving versions of identity. The collaboration with the custom-made AI software creates a feedback loop to reflect on how peoples’ vocal sounding is “seen” by AI, to contest the way voices are currently heard, comprehended and utilised by AI, and indeed the AI industry.

The video documentation for this project shows ‘facial’ images produced by the voice-to-face recognition AI, when activated by my voice, modified with simple DIY voice devices. Each new voice variation, created by each device, produces a different outputted face image. Some images perhaps resemble my face? (e.g. Device #8) some might be considered more masculine? (e.g. Device #10) and some are just disconcerting (e.g. Device #4). The speculative nature of Polyphonic Embodiment(s) is not to suggest that people should modify their voices in interaction with AI communication systems. Rather the simple devices work with bodily architecture and exaggerate its materiality, considering it as a flexible instrument to explore vocal potential. In turn this sheds light on the normative assumptions contained within AI’s readings of voice and its relationships to facial image and identity construction.

Through this artistic, practice-led research I hope to evolve and augment discussion around how the sounding of voices is comprehended by different disciplines of research. Taking a standpoint from music and design practice, I believe this can contest ways of working in the realms of AI mediated communication and shape the ways we understand notions of (vocal) identity: as complex, fluid, malleable, and ultimately not reducible to Western logics of sounding.

Featured Image: Still image from Polyphonic Embodiments, courtesy of author.

— 

Amina Abbas-Nazari is a practicing speculative designer, researcher, and vocal performer. Amina has researched the voice in conjunction with emerging technology, through practice, since 2008 and is now completing a PhD in the School of Communication at the Royal College of Art, focusing on the sound and sounding of voices in artificially intelligent conversational systems. She has presented her work at the London Design Festival, Design Museum, Barbican Centre, V&A, Milan Furniture Fair, Venice Architecture Biennial, Critical Media Lab, Switzerland, Litost Gallery, Prague and Harvard University, America. She has performed internationally with choirs and regularly collaborates with artists as an experimental vocalist

tape-reel

REWIND! . . .If you liked this post, you may also dig:

What is a Voice?–Alexis Deighton MacIntyre

Voice as Ecology: Voice Donation, Materiality, Identity-Steph Ceraso

Mr. and Mrs. Talking Machine: The Euphonia, the Phonograph, and the Gendering of Nineteenth Century Mechanical Speech – J. Martin Vest

One Scream is All it Takes: Voice Activated Personal Safety, Audio Surveillance, and Gender ViolenceMaría Edurne Zuazu

Echo and the Chorus of Female MachinesAO Roberts

On Sound and Pleasure: Meditations on the Human Voice– Yvon Bonefant

Bruce Sterling on the Art of Text-to-Image Generative AI

Authorized transcript of Bruce Sterling’s lecture during the TU Eindhoven conference AI for All, From the Dark Side to the Light, November 25, 2022, at Evoluon, Eindhoven, co-organized by Next Nature. Website of the event: https://www.tue.nl/en/our-university/calendar-and-events/25-11-2022-ai-for-all-from-the-dark-side-to-the-light. YouTube link of the talk: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UB461avEKnQ&t=3325s

It’s nice to be back in Eindhoven, a literal city of light in a technological world. I am here to discuss one of my favourite topics: artificial intelligence. The Difference Engine is a book that my colleague William Gibson and I wrote 33 years ago. The narrator of this book happens to be an artificial intelligence because we were cyberpunks at the time.

At the time we were talking to people in the press and they said: you science fiction writers like to write about computers, what if a computer started writing your novels? This was supposed to be some kind of existential threat to us. But we really liked computers. We had no fear of them, so we thought, oh, that might be amusing… why don’t we imitate a computer writing a novel? And this is the result. The book is still in print.

Here is the source of the problem: the infamous 1956 Dartmouth conference where ambitious computer scientists from the first decade of the computer science field gathered. They decided that since they were working on thinking machines, they should take this idea seriously and try to invent some machines and systems that could actually think. And they’re going to take computer science, they’re going to launch an imperialistic war on metaphysics, philosophy and psychology and establish whether software really is thought. And whether thought can be abstracted and whether there are rules for talking about intelligence. At the time they wrote some nice manifestos about it. I read them, even though I was only two years old when the event happened. Our novel is halfway between this old-school artificial intelligence and today’s AI. As a long-term fan of this rather tragic branch of computer science, 2022 has been the wildest year that artificial intelligence ever had. This is the first time there’s been a genuine popular craze about it. I’m going to spend the rest of my 45 minutes and 48 slides trying to tell you what the hell I think is going on.

This is artificial intelligence, the business side of it. If you lump in everything that could be plausibly called artificial intelligence, the old-school rules-based software code, and then the statement style of artificial intelligence, this is all of it and it’s pretty big. And it has never taken over anything completely. It’s just there are areas where it applies to various sectors airspace, finance, pipeline stuff, and data access. It’s very big. It’ s a mind map from Firstmark venture capital. Matt Turk photographed it. You’re going to be neck-deep in this. I’m not going to talk about all that. I’m going to get around to talking, to text, to image generators. But this is a generative AI, not even old-school artificial intelligence, not even necessarily machine learning and deep learning.

I am here to talk about text-to-image generators. This is actually generative AI, which is what went wild this year. It is a generative application landscape. This is a subset of AI, not even machine learning, but this is where all the heat and light are coming from. Right now. People are just going nuts about it.

And these are some of the technical platforms that support it. AI Machine learning, deep learning. You can see this. Just look these guys up. I could spend all day gossiping about them. Some are up, and some are down. Haul out your phones. Take pictures of this. Go take your pinky fingers. Look them up on the Internet. That’s a heck of a lot going on here.

And then, these are the visual guys. These are actual text-to-image generation outfits here. Platforms, companies, start-ups, most of them young, some of them younger than this February. But just like a small army of these guys, some of them younger than February 2022, coming out of the lab and schools, in the garages, dropping out of companies, scaring up venture capital. It’s a wild scene.

Here are the platforms that are supporting them at the moment. Practically none of these companies are making any money. What they’re busy doing is trying to muscle up, beef up the platforms and try to find some applications for these breakthroughs that they’re having. And the platforms that are in red are the open-source platforms. And these are the closest thing to AI for all that anybody has ever had. You can fire these up. You can look at them on the Web. You can download them from GitHub. Computer science breakthroughs are never going to be for all people. As you can see they started back in 2021 and picked up steam in a major fashion.

These are some of the little businesses. These are startups. Nine out of ten of these guys are going to die. This is not the future. This is not an overpowering way. These are all startups. Even the ones that survive are going probably going to get acquired. Look on the Internet, chase them down, follow them on social media, and read their white papers.

So what are they doing?

I’m going to talk about artwork because I have a problem here. I happen to be the art director of a technology art festival in Turin, Italy, which is where I flew from to be with you today. And we know that we’re going to be getting a lot of AI art, so we may as well do an event on AI art. We’ve got to figure out sort of what’s good and what we want to show the public of Turin. I’ve got to make aesthetic and cultural decisions about what matters. There are hundreds of thousands of users who’ve appeared in a matter of mere months, and they’ve generated literally millions of images. There’s a quarter of 1 million or 250 million images on these services. You just tell them what to do and offer them a prompt. They generate stuff very quickly.

This image happens to be Amsterdam-centric, I am messing with the Amsterdam imagery there.

You can do very elaborate kind of swirly arabesque stuff.

You could do fantastic unearthly landscapes that look like black and white photography.

You can mess about with architecture or do strange 3D geometric stuff.

You could do pretty girls. Those are always guaranteed to sell. There are megatons of pretty girls that have been generated, probably more pretty girls in the past year than in the entire history of Pretty Girl art today because you could just do it. Literally, press a button and have a hundred pretty girls.

Fantasy landscapes, odd-looking 3D gamer set stuff. You can just put in the word utopia and it will build you utopias. Not two will be the same.

The utopia prompt. One could do utopias, all day, all night. Do you like green ones? No, you like the blue ones. You know, it’s happy. You don’t have to say bad utopia. Good utopia. There is just an endless supply. Basically infinite. I mean, it’s not infinite because all these images are JPEGs. No, not really. Paintings are not really photographs. They’re conjugations of JPEGs. So what you’re seeing is like 256 by 256 of JPEGs. And, you know, statistically, there’s only so many ways you could vary the colour in a grid of 256 by 256. But these systems know how to do that.

This is a Refik Anadol, who’s from Istanbul and is working out of LA. He’s the world’s only truly famous artificial intelligence artist. He has been touring the world for the past 4 or 5 years doing these epically large motion graphics, mostly on buildings, using databases of people who are hiring him. Take out everything in your files, turn it into an artificial intelligence landscape and broadcast on your building, generating a lot of traffic. If you happen to be a museum director and Refik Anadol shows up with one of his projected shows, you’d better have the museum store ready to go because they’re going to be lined up around the block for Refik. He will give you all the artificial intelligence that you can eat, on time, and under budget. And the public loves it flat out.

Let’s explain how all this works technically. What does a text do when it generates, if you try to take a picture of it? This would be a selfie.

What you see here is a Google tensor chip. It happens to be version three, which is already obsolete. They’re threatening to roll out number four. It’s going to be like Moore’s Law but then heavier. If you’re Google DeepMind and you’re doing Alphazero and you’re going to beat every other chess player in the world, you’re just going to wipe the floor with all the old-school chess-playing computers. You need these babies. About 5000 of these. Slot them up, and train them on chess. Don’t tell them. Tell them nothing except the rules. I’ll just invent chess and they’ll beat every other chess machine ever invented. You need 5000 of these racked up. It’s not going to come cheap. It will take a lot of voltage. What I don’t have here are nice, homely literary metaphors like ‘cyberspace’.

It’s like you got all these wires and all these protocols and all these messages flying around at random from node to node you can understand the routing systems and like the naming system and so forth. Or you can just say cyberspace. It is a metaphor because there really is no cyberspace. All there is are wires, storage units, built on top of web browsers–colossal stacks of interacting.

The police and the military really like AI, that’s not going away. It was a successful coinage. So, what’s a generator? How does it generate? All this happens to be a stable diffusion, one of the better-known generators among many other similar generators. They’re not all built the same. There are different architectures. You don’t just have one machine. You’ve actually got several different ones. Artificial intelligence is about deep learning, neural networks of connected computers on chips, each one of them separate. They don’t trade information with one another. You’ve got on one end the one that interprets the text. It just looks. At typed text. It doesn’t read books. It just literally reads alphanumeric characters, ASCII, and it breaks them up into powder. It doesn’t even look at the words, but it looks like the phonemes and the statistical probabilities of them affecting other phonemes. And this has been typical of AI-style machine translation for a while, but now they’ve gotten really quite good at it. So it’s kind of looking at whatever command it’s given and breaking that up into a kind of probabilistic dust, just like points in a vector space. But something like flour, if you think of it as like a sifting machine, you’re putting in the white flour and it’s got rocks and some other unnecessary things. Then you sieve back and forth. Put the words in and break the words up into little pieces of probability.

It then passes them to an image generator. In the next stage, it tries to come up with a rough consensus of what it might be in a postage stamp style. This is a little beginning, a hint as to what this image might become. After having sifted that one around until it’s got a rough kind of consensus. It passes that to a second part of the server, which doesn’t concern itself with words. It just takes the earlier image and it tries to focus the image, tighten it, brighten it and make it broader. And then that passes its own version of the image to yet another one, which is bigger and kind of more focused on prettification that expands the image onto a bigger scale and fits it into a particular format, polishes it up, makes it look like a camera photo and makes it look like a painting or a blueprint. The three of them don’t intercommunicate, they’re three separate sieves. And then the last one there is the auto encoder-decoder, which functions as an editor-publisher, and it looks at what’s come through this.

Pretty refined. But most of is rubbish, nonsense. It’s like throwing things out the window like an impatient editor or getting rid of bad paintings, like an angry gallerist, statistically comparing images to a database it has of successful paintings: this one’s obviously chaos, that one might pass. And then when it’ll select a few out of a great many which have been generated. It’ll actually edit it down to just a few and sort of print them or at least turn them into actual JPEGs and present them to the viewer on the website. It is astonishingly complicated, amazing that such a whopper-jawed thing works at all. And where it came from is not text-to-image generators, but image-to-text recognition. What happened here?

Several years ago Facebook and Google tried using computers to identify what was in photographs and JPEGs. They were looking for your face or tried to identify consumer items, basic surveillance capitalism procedures. And then one of the engineers said, okay, we can look at a photograph in our machine, will name what’s in it. What happens if we just give it the name and ask it to produce the photograph, literally turning the box upside down? What they got was deep dreaming, a hallucinatory mess. It just didn’t make any sense. But then they’ve worked on it and refined it to some extent. But this is really a crude and whopper-jawed thing here. I mean, it’s literally as if I’d like turned a recycling machine on its ear and I could put in broken glass and get out Greek vases. And nobody expected this. I don’t know anybody in computer science that ever predicted the existence of a text-to-image generator. It’s just one of those bizarre lines of technical development where you do.

Something as simple as turning it upside down and an entire industry hops out of Pandora’s box there. It’s really, really a funny and wild thing. So what’s wrong with it? I’m going to go into this now. It’s like not what’s wrong with it. More to be fairer to this technology, What are its innate characteristics? I mean, what is the grain of the material there? What is it good at doing and what is it not bad at doing? And if you were an art director or a museum curator, how would you judge what was like a good output and like just the stuff that’s like every day and there’s 250 millions of them and somebody’s got to do this work, and I’m trying to help here. This is the basic problem with all forms of generative AI: they’re not normal. They’re not they don’t they don’t fulfil the aspirations of the founders of AI. They have no common sense.

Here is the ‘healthy boy eating broken glass for breakfast’ result. He looks like a really happy kid. Ask an artist to draw a child gleefully eating broken glass, that’s a horror image. But since this machine lacks any common sense understanding, it doesn’t know what glass is. It doesn’t know what a boy is, doesn’t know what breakfast is. It’s the very opposite of an Isaac Asimov robot. No idea about possible harm. If you look at this, where’s the ethics? But then, it’s just some sieves that are turning text into image. It’s a Rube Goldberg machine to turn a huge database of any possible character connected to every JPEG pixel on the Internet. It’s just it’s a balancing act between all the text on the Internet and all the images on the Internet, the common crawl. If you look for the AI intelligence in there, it’s like, where.

Are the rules? Where are the decisions? Where’s the common sense? There’s not a trace of them, not one trace. It’s just a series of photos, produced by sophisticated filters, connected by equations, they’re not even wired together. It’s fantastic what they can figure out. They have zero common sense. That’s not even in the textbook. They don’t care. They don’t compete with anything. They don’t have to. These AIs don’t have ears. They don’t have photographs. They don’t have paintings. They have a statistical relationship between text and clumps of JPEG pixels.

I heard early on from users who were trying to put their prompts into these machines that they weren’t very good at hands.

It’s like, why are they not good at hands?

You know, a hand is one of the most common things on the Internet, there are millions and millions of pictures of them.

It just doesn’t understand the geometry and doesn’t know what three dimensions look like. It knows what a picture of a hand looks like.

This is a prompt in the Dutch language. It doesn’t know what a hand looks like in three dimensions. It doesn’t have a hand. It has no skin.

Count to five. It can’t count to five. Why? It does not draw. It does not photograph. It only generates.

How about the oldest hands ever drawn? Can’t do it.

How about a foot? Can you compare a foot with a hand? No.

Right. It just sits there, generating, taking its clouds of pixels, its little probabilities, putting it a little bit of chaos, shaking it down like dropping sponges, you know, full of little coloured pixels, kind of paddling along. And it doesn’t stop in the middle of its generation.

What if I ask to imitate a human drawing a hand? This is one of the most impressive images that I have seen from an image generator. It is unearthly. If you notice carefully you will see that the paper the artist is working on is not square. I love the coffee cup. These are not mistakes. This is the actual grain of its compositional process. And there is a beauty to it. It is not a human beauty. It is a striking image that no human being could ever have dreamt of. It really has presence, it’s surreal.

For the machines that we built, this is their realism. This is what they actually ‘see’ when they are comparing the word ‘hand’ to the most probable JPEGs of hands. And if you think of hands and how fluid they are… We don’t even have a vocabulary for all the positions we can make with our hands. We’re used to them, but we don’t talk about them very effectively.  This vocabulary is not in the database because people never described them with enough fidelity, for them to be accurately rendered by a probabilistic engine.

Eventually, they’ll crack the hand problem.

And then when you input something, they’ll just call on the thing that makes the hands and it’ll kind of rush in from the side and powder up the hands quickly and then retreat back into okay, yeah.

When these systems are more refined, they won’t make these elementary errors, but they’re not errors.

This is graph paper and you would think graph paper would be the simpliest thing to do for computers. The computer sceeen itself is a like a graph, right? If you look carefully there are thousands of tiny probabalistic mistakes in these lines.

They are more obvious when you ask it to do a checkerboard.  If you ask to draw a black square, white square, black square, it gets confused. It start doing checkers and then gets lost. Even if you ask it to draw a black and white tile floor it gets lost where black and white is supposed to go, how many there and how it is represented in 3D space, even though there are thousands of photographs of such tile floors online.

Now I’m actually going to do some creative experimentation of my own. And being a novelist. I don’t just want to give it orders to have it make the world’s prettiest picture. Instead, I want to see what it can say about things that humans can’t draw. What will it produce if I ask it to draw something that is beyond human capacity to draw?

For instance, the unimaginable. But the unimaginable is an oxymoron, right? I mean, you can’t draw something you can’t imagine. This thing will draw the unimaginable in a hot second.

The Undreamed-of. Stable Diffusion doesn’t care. It is perfectly happy.

The Impossibility. These are not like expressive artworks, like a Van Gogh. We’re seeing things here that humans can’t make.

Intense fascination? It doesn’t have any. It doesn’t have emotions.

The obsessive compulsion.

The self-referential.

The shocking surprise. It cannot be shockingly surprised and instead is parodying us being surprised.

The lysergic hallucination. People have an amber proper about going insane; computers aren’t supposed to be able to do that. It has no trouble whatsoever with psychedelics. It can spin it out by the square kilometre.

The unthinkable. That is, images of humans being unable to think the unthinkable. It is never able to think. It will always come up with some answer.

The utterly forgotten.

In the industry, people are particularly interested in what’s called extension or outpainting. So you like to feed it with Hokusai and then you ask what’s on the corner of the painting and it will just add something onto it. Does this look like Hokusai? Yeah, I’ve got lots of this stuff. How about a cherry tree? And this excites graphic artists, It’s like I got a free cherry tree. They don’t recognise that this thing will effortlessly extend and stretch out forever into the direction of infinite cherry trees. You know, a leftover samurai, ninjas, you know, drums, ideograms, whatever. You know, Heian Japan. Weird tales of Genji. It’ll regurgitate that as long as the current is flowing through it, just indefinitely. We’ll never have screens big enough to show it all. It will never get tired of generating pastiches like this, on any scale, at any fidelity. Quickly, cheaply. And without ever making any common sense, without ever getting tired. It will grind these probabilistic connections and spew this stuff out. There is zero creative effort in this. It does take a lot of voltage.

This happens to be a Max Ernst from the 1930s entitled Europe after the Rain. Ernst did a number of these generative experiments. First, he went out with his canvases and rubbed pencils on them in order to get suggestive forms, and then he would paint over them. And then later he decided he’d just take the paint itself and toss it onto the canvas, stomp on it, and then open it up like a Rorschach block and paint over it. So he’s a world-class surrealist artist, so he got this smashed-up paint with not random, but suggestive kinds of imagery. He did a series of these surrealist paintings, which are some of his most successful ones. They are nearly 100 years old now, and they never look like anything else. Eventually, the novelty tired Ernst. He did a number of these gimmicks and he came to feel it was kind of beneath him. He got all the benefits out of this particular trick that he was likely to have and then moved into a different phase of his expressive career. It’s not like generative techniques have never entered the fine art world before.

This is Meret Oppenheim’s Breakfast in Fur, which will never be looked at the same. And this is something that troubles me. If you show this to anyone who has never seen henceforth next year, if you show this to anyone who is unaware of this famous artwork, almost a hundred years old. They will immediately conclude that it was generated. They will never look at it again and think, what a cool, surreal thing. It’s like she took a teacup and wrapped it up in gazelle fur. And look, she even wrapped up the spoon. And you know what? You can’t even drink out of that teacup. Think of putting tea in there, picking it up and feeling that fur in your mouth. Ooh, ooh. What a surrealist frisson. Boy, that’s super weird. Such an artist, this Meret Oppenheim. Such a form of human expression. We may have opened Pandora’s box and slammed the gate on our heritage.

There’s a quote by Simone Weil: “The beauty of the world is the mouth of a labyrinth,” which is a warning: if you’re interested in aesthetics, you have to curate stuff or happen to be an art director of a festival (like I am), you can’t just pick the pretty ones. The beauty of the world is the mouth of a labyrinth. Once you start taking aesthetics seriously, you enter metaphysics. The world comes up with these labyrinths and if you look at them they’re statistically likely portraits of labyrinths that are not, in fact, labyrinths. A labyrinth has a place where a human goes in and then the human is supposed to get bewildered. He takes a lot of false steps and he makes a lot of mistakes and he has to retreat often. But eventually, there’s a hole out the other side. He comes out and says: oh, such a cool experience. I was in the labyrinth. I thought I’d never get out. But then when I did get out, I was really happy to, like, defeat this puzzle. It doesn’t know what a puzzle is. It doesn’t know what legs are. It’s just looking at all the databases of the labyrinth that it has, which is very extensive. It draws on something that looks like a labyrinth but isn’t. And yet it’s beautiful, a beauty which is not of this world.

That’s what beauty is. The beauty of the world is the mouth of a labyrinth. This is beauty, which is not of this world and cannot be judged by the standards of beauty that we had earlier. But I know that this labyrinth is my doom. I don’t know how long I’m going to have to put up with this. I’ve been in the labyrinth of artificial intelligence since I first heard of it. I’m not too surprised that there’s suddenly a whole host of labyrinths. Thousands of them. I don’t mind. I know it’s trouble, but it’s kind of a good trouble. I don’t mind living there. I’ll build a house in the labyrinth. I’ll put a museum in it. You’re not going to stop me. I’m happy to accept the challenge. I hope you’ll have a look at it.

Transcription: Amberscript. Editing: Geert Lovink

Protocols for Postcapitalist Economic Expression. Agency, Finance and Sociality in the New Economic Space 

Protocols for Postcapitalist Economic Expression. Agency, Finance and Sociality in the New Economic Space Dick Bryan, Jorge Lopez and Akseli Virtanen What would an Internet native economic system look like? Could economic power be systematically shared amongst individuals and their self-defined groups, with no central economic authority? And could that system secure collectively defined social and environmental benefits and create … Continue reading →

May 25th: MAST Journal Special Issue Launch – Blurring Digital Media Culture

On May 25th at the University of Amsterdam there will be a free event to launch the special issue of The Journal of Media Art Study and Theory, Blurring Digital Media Culture edited by Tony D. Sampson and Jernej Markelj.

Date: May 25, 2023

Time: 13:00-18:00

Location: University of Amsterdam

BG2, room 0.02, Turfdraagsterpad 15-17, 1012 XT, Amsterdam

More information and registration (in person and online) can be found here: https://sites.google.com/view/blur-event/home